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Doktor Spock osuđen zbog pomaganja u odbrani

Doktor Spock osuđen zbog pomaganja u odbrani

Porota Saveznog okružnog suda u Bostonu osuđuje dr. Benjamina Spocka i trojicu drugih, uključujući kapelana Sveučilišta Yale Williama Sloane Coffina, mlađeg, za urotu radi pružanja pomoći, podržavanja i savjetovanja registara da prekrše Zakon o selektivnoj službi.

Tokom Johnsonove administracije, Spock, liječnik i poznati autor Knjiga zdravog razuma o čuvanju beba i djece, bio sveprisutan lik na antiratnim demonstracijama. U aprilu 1967., Spock, velečasni Martin Luther King, mlađi i zabavljač Harry Belafonte poveli su oko 300.000 ljudi u marš do sjedišta Ujedinjenih naroda u New Yorku, najveće antiratne demonstracije do sada. Spock je bio jedan od izvornih potpisnika Poziv na odupiranje nezakonitom autoritetu, objavljeno u septembru 1967., koje je podržalo nacrt otpora i pravo vojnika da odbiju da se povinuju „nezakonitim i nemoralnim naređenjima“.

Osuđujuće presude iz 1968. ukinute su 1969. U novembru iste godine, Spock se pridružio antiratnim demonstracijama u Washingtonu, DC, predvođenim više od 250.000 ljudi, sponzorisanim od strane New Mobilization Committee, grupe koju su Spock i drugi organizovali 4. jula 1969. godine. Spock je nekoliko puta hapšen, ali je nastavio svoje antiratne aktivnosti. Novi lijevi antiratni pokret, Narodna stranka, 27. novembra nominirao je Spocka za svog kandidata za predsjednika na predsjedničkim izborima 1972. godine. Iako nije pobijedio na izborima, Spock je ostao istaknuti antiratni aktivist sve dok se SAD nisu povukle iz jugoistočne Azije.


14/06/1968: Nhà hoạt động chống chiến tranh Benjamin Spock bị kết án

Vào ngày này năm 1968, Tiến sĩ Benjamin Spock và ba người khác, gồm cả vị Tuyên úy từ Đại học Yale, William Sloane Coffin, Jr. các cáo buộc âm mưu hỗ trợ, khuyến khích và tư vấn cho những người đăng ký nghĩa vụ quân sự vi phạm Đạo luật Tuyển chọn Quân dịch.

Trong thời kỳ chính quyền Johnson, Spock, một bác sĩ và là tác giả cuốn sách nổi tiếng Knjiga zdravog razuma o čuvanju beba i djece (Thường thức về chăm sóc trẻ sơ sinh và trẻ nhỏ), là nhân vật luôn xuất hiện trong các cuộc biểu tình chống chiến tranh.

Tháng 04/1967, Spock cùng Martin Luther King, Jr. ne. Spock là một trong những người đầu tiên ký vào Poziv na otpor nelegitimnom autoritetu (Lời kêu gọi Chống lại Thẩm quyền Bất hợp pháp), được công bố vào tháng 09/1967, trong đó ủng hộ việc chống thi hành nghĩa vụ quân sự và quyền củn củn ủcượn và vô đạo đức. ”


Spock je osuđen zbog pomaganja u odbrani. Porota Saveznog okružnog suda u Bostonu osuđuje dr. Benjamina Spocka i trojicu drugih, uključujući kapelana Sveučilišta Yale Williama Sloane Coffina, mlađeg, za urotu radi pružanja pomoći, podržavanja i savjetovanja registara da prekrše Zakon o selektivnoj službi.

Ovo je Star Trek II: The Wrath Of Khan vrijedna ogrlica od 15 dolara inspirisana ogrlicom najboljih prijatelja sa ugraviranim Spock & rsquos posljednjim riječima kapetanu Kirku nakon što je vratio snagu na Enterprise & rsquos warp pogon i primio fatalnu dozu zračenja u tom procesu (iako su njegove stvarne posljednje riječi bile & lsquolive dugo i uspješno & rsquo - on to upravo kaže.


Spock osuđen zbog pomaganja u odbrani - 14. juna 1968. - HISTORY.com

SP5 Mark Kuzinski

Porota Saveznog okružnog suda u Bostonu osuđuje dr. Benjamina Spocka i trojicu drugih, uključujući kapelana Sveučilišta Yale Williama Sloane Coffina, mlađeg, za urotu radi pružanja pomoći, podržavanja i savjetovanja registara da krše Zakon o selektivnoj službi.

Za vrijeme Johnsonove administracije, Spock, ljekar i poznati autor Knjige zdravog razuma o njezi beba i djece, bio je sveprisutna ličnost na antiratnim demonstracijama. U aprilu 1967., Spock, velečasni Martin Luther King, mlađi i zabavljač Harry Belafonte poveli su oko 300.000 ljudi u marš do sjedišta Ujedinjenih naroda u New Yorku, najveće antiratne demonstracije do sada. Spock je bio jedan od izvornih potpisnika Poziva na otpor nelegitimnim vlastima, objavljenog u rujnu 1967., koji je podržavao nacrt otpora i pravo vojnika da odbiju poslušati "nezakonita i nemoralna naređenja".


Sa 89 godina, dr. Spock je još vruć ispod ogrlice i traži svete krave

To su kritičari promrmljali nakon što se dr Benjamin Spock pojavio na konferenciji za novinare u septembru dovodeći u pitanje mišljenje da mlijeko čini tijelo dobro.

Nije trebalo čuditi. Doktor Spock je napravio karijeru tako što je napio svete krave. To je isti čovjek koji je redovito marširao protiv vojske, pomagao izbjeglicama u šezdesetima i govorio generacijama strogih roditelja da prestanu udarati djecu.

Autor najprodavanijeg & quotDr. Spockova briga o bebi i djeci nikada nije toliko pratila gomilu kao njegova savjest.

Ne tražite godine da ublažite tu tendenciju. "I meni je isto vruće ispod ovratnika", rekao je 89-godišnji aktivista u telefonskom intervjuu iz svoje kuće u Maineu.

Njegovo zalaganje za mir dovelo je Floridsku koaliciju za mir i pravdu da pozove dr. Spocka da bude gost govornik na nedavnoj večeri koalicije povodom 10. godišnjice. Njegova predložena tema: & quotTrekući stres na porodici. & Quot

Govor mirovnoj grupi o porodičnoj disfunkciji?

Doktor Spock kaže da su ta pitanja neraskidivo povezana.

& quotPorodice lutaju ulicama bez mjesta za život, a škrte su socijalne usluge za porodice, žene i djecu. . . Nema ni približno dovoljno kvalitetne dnevne njege, a ono što postoji preskupo je za većinu zaposlenih roditelja. Djeci koja idu u drugo i trećerazrednu dnevnu sobu nedostajat će udobnost i sigurnost na koju mala djeca imaju pravo ", kaže on.

& quot; Nikad nisam savjetovao majkama koje žele karijeru da se ne bave njom, ali mislim da je vrlo okrutno za majke koje bi radije ostale kod kuće da moraju predati svoje dijete nekom drugom. Ako majka želi ostati s djetetom kod kuće, vlada bi je trebala subvencionirati, kao u većini drugih zapadnih zemalja. & Quot

Doktor Spock kritizira budžet za odbranu od 295 milijardi dolara, rekavši: "Ne možemo brinuti o potrebama porodica, o potrebama djece, osim ako ne dobijemo dio tog novca."

To je temeljna tema najnovije knjige koju doktor Spock piše, uslovno naslovljenog & quot; Bolji svijet za našu djecu. & Quot

L Ne da predmeti njegove pažnje pokazuju bilo kakvo uvažavanje.

"Pola vremena koje upoznam s djecom ima neku vrstu razočaranja i nevjerice na njihovim licima", rekao je Spock. Rekao je da se djeca trude otkriti da on nije gospodin Spock, šiljati Vulkan sa Zvezdanim stazama.

Dr Spoka tretiraju kao izmišljeni lik.

& quotPrije nekoliko godina, živahni četverogodišnjak došao je do mene na pristanište gdje smo bili vezani i rekli 'Ako si Spock, gdje ti je svemirski brod?' & quot

Po svemu sudeći, Dr. Spock nikada nije ni postao slavan. Njegova prva ambicija jednostavno je mogla biti napuštanje kuće. Najstarije od šestero djece koje je odgojila dominantna, puritanska majka i teški, hladni otac, Spock je bio plaho dijete. Biografi kažu da je postao sve sigurniji na fakultetu, posebno nakon što je njegov tim s Yale tima osvojio zlatnu medalju na Olimpijskim igrama 1924.

On je nastavio sa probijanjem staza kao odrasli pedijatar u New Yorku. Doktor Spock je među prvima primijenio psihologiju u svojoj praksi, smatrajući da je važno znati ne samo kako se djeca ponašaju, već i zašto.

Kada je njegov pristup privukao izdavača knjiga koji je htio da svoje filozofije stavi na papir, dr. Spock je postao škrti. Nagovorio urednika: & quotTo ne mora biti jako dobro, naplatit ćemo samo četvrtinu! & Quot

Od objavljivanja 1946., knjiga & quotBaby and Child Care & quot prodana je u 40 miliona primjeraka i prevedena je na 39 jezika-što je druga najprodavanija knjiga u istoriji iza Biblije, prema izdavaču.

Negdje između pisanja o nicanju zuba i toaletne obuke, dr. Spock je došao do zaključka da je politika povezana s pedijatrijom -da nuklearno uništenje, loše škole, kriminal i neadekvatna zdravstvena zaštita prijete našoj djeci.

Godine 1962. pojavio se u oglasu na cijeloj stranici u New York Timesu za SANE, Nacionalni komitet za zdravu nuklearnu politiku. & quotDr. Spock je zabrinut, "pročitao je oglas i zamišlja doktora Spoka u jednom od njegovih zaštitnih znakova u trodijelnim odijelima, koji tužno bulji u dijete od povjerenja. Ispod se nalazio apel za razoružanje.

Pedijatar je sada bio demonstrant. U narednih nekoliko godina bio bi uhapšen više od desetak puta zbog antiratnih aktivnosti i optužen za pomaganje vojnih snaga. Osuđen je, ali je apelacioni sud kasnije odbacio optužnicu.

Doktor Spock čini dijete cvijeća nevjerovatnog izgleda sa svojim IvLeague naglaskom i džepnim hankijima.

Ipak, to mu je bila najudobnija funkcija.

& quot; Očigledno, ostat ću upamćen po 'Čuvanju bebe i djeteta', 'rekao je. & quotAli također bih želio da me zapamte kao nekoga tko je radio za razoružanje i mir. & quot

Starost nije umanjila njegov entuzijazam, ali je otežala skaliranje ograde ciklona, ​​a posebno citata kada ga opozicija trese. & Quot

Nakon što je u posljednjih nekoliko godina dobio pejsmejker i pretrpio mali moždani udar, dr. Spock je morao smanjiti svoje demonstracije na otprilike dvije godišnje. Danas živi na kopnu - nekada je živio na jedrilicama na Djevičanskim otocima i u Maineu.

& quot; Brine Mary što ću jednom pasti s broda & quot ;, rekao je doktor Spock, smijući se. & quotI nemoguće je izvući trup teškog čoveka iz okeana. & quot

Mary je druga supruga, Mary Morgan. Njih dvoje su se venčali 1976. Prvi brak dr. Spock 1927. sa Jane Cheney završio je razvodom nakon 49 godina.

Gospođa Morgan je imala čvrstu ruku u kasnijim godinama doktora Spocka. Njeni opsežni intervjui s njim proizveli su memoare & quotSpock on Spock & quot (Pantheon, 1985). Ona je de facto sekretarica za štampu za intervjue doktora Spocka za medije. I muža je stavila na makrobiotičku dijetu. Često nazvana & quota dijeta dugovječnosti, & quot makrobiotički život dijelom je plan prehrane, dijelom filozofija, naglašavajući sklad s okolinom i izbjegavajući nezdravu hranu i životinjske proizvode u korist cjelovitih žitarica, jednostavnih proteina i zelenila.

No, došlo je do nedostatka sklada između para kada je dijeta započela prošlog rujna. Doktor Spock, veliki obožavatelj brie sira, počeo je migoljiti stvari iza hladnjaka. Gospođa Morgan bi ga pronašla i izbacila. Kupio bi više. Bacila bi ga. To je trajalo sedmicama.

"Bio je to strašan gubitak novca", rekao je. & quotAko i brie. & quot

Možda da bi se odvratio od prolaza sa sirom u trgovini, dr. Spock zaviruje u tuđa kolica za namirnice.

& quot; Uvijek gledam s morbidnom znatiželjom. . . Napitak je često kokain, a hrana je čips, slatki kolačići. . . Imamo priliku imati najbolju prehranu na svijetu, što bi nas trebalo posramiti što zanemarujemo povrće i voće. & Quot

Doktor Spock se pojavio na konferenciji za novinare u Bostonu 2. septembra sa ljekarima iz organizacije Physicians Committee For Responsible Medicine, kako bi izrazio zabrinutost zbog mlijeka.

Ali kaže da je njegova poruka možda pogrešno protumačena.

& quotTo nije bilo [protiv] mlijeka. Bilo je to da bebe ne bi trebalo da imaju punomasno mleko. . . pre 12 meseci. Fokusirali smo se na važnost dojenja. & Quot

& quotPa, mislim da odrasli zasigurno ne bi trebali piti punomasno mlijeko jer su mliječni proizvodi općenito, posebno oni s punom količinom masti i kolesterola, jedan od glavnih doprinosa arteriosklerozi, koja također pokriva koronarnu bolest srca.

& quotTako su se svi nutricionisti složili u posljednjih 15 ili 20 godina da odrasli ne bi trebali jesti bogate mliječne proizvode, što uključuje maslac, umake. . . & quot


Sadržaj

Rani život i obrazovanje Edit

Benjamin McLane Spock rođen je 2. maja 1903. u New Haven-u, Connecticut, a njegovi roditelji su bili Benjamin Ives Spock, diplomirani student Yalea i dugogodišnji generalni savjetnik New Haven Railroad, i Mildred Louise (Stoughton) Spock. [3] Njegovo ime potječe od holandskog porijekla, izvorno su napisali ime Spaak prije migracije u bivšu koloniju Novo Nizozemsko. [4]

Kao i njegov otac prije njega, Spock je pohađao Akademiju Phillips Andover i Univerzitet Yale. Prije toga je pohađao državnu školu Hamden Hall. Spock je studirao književnost i historiju na Yaleu. Stajao je mršav 6 stopa i 4 inča, a bio je i aktivan u fakultetskom veslanju. Na kraju je postao dio olimpijske veslačke posade (muški osmerci) koja je osvojila zlatnu medalju na igrama u Parizu 1924. godine. Na Yaleu je primljen u Eta poglavlje bratstva Zeta Psi, a zatim u svitak i ključ starijeg društva. Pohađao je Medicinski fakultet Yale dvije godine prije nego što je prešao na Koledž liječnika i hirurga Univerziteta Columbia, koji je prvo diplomirao u klasi 1929. godine. [5] Do tada se oženio Jane Cheney. [6]

Lični život Edit

Jane Cheney udala se za Spocka 1927. godine i pomogla mu je u istraživanju i pisanju Dr Spock Briga o djeci i bebama, koju su 1946. objavili Duell, Sloan & amp Pearce as Knjiga zdravog razuma o čuvanju beba i djece. Knjiga je prodana u više od 50 miliona primjeraka na 42 jezika. [7] [8]

Jane Cheney Spock bila je zagovornica građanskih sloboda i majka dva sina. Rođena je u Manchesteru, Connecticut, i pohađala je Bryn Mawr College. Bila je aktivna u Americi za demokratsko djelovanje, Američkoj uniji za građanske slobode i Nacionalnom komitetu za zdravu nuklearnu politiku. Jane i Benjamin Spock razveli su se 1976. [9] Nakon njihovog razvoda, organizirala je i vodila grupe za podršku starijim razvedenim ženama. [10]

1976. Spock se oženio Mary Morgan. [11] Izgradili su kuću u Arkansasu, na Beaver Lakeu, gdje bi Spock svakodnevno veslao. [12] Mary se brzo prilagodila Spockovom životu na putovanju i političkom aktivizmu. Sa njim je više puta hapšena zbog građanske neposlušnosti. Jednom su uhapšeni u Washingtonu zbog molitve na travnjaku Bijele kuće, zajedno s drugim demonstrantima. Kada je uhapšen, Morgan je pretražen, a Spock nije. Tužila je zatvor i gradonačelnika Washingtona zbog spolne diskriminacije. Američka unija građanskih sloboda preuzela je slučaj i pobijedila. Morgan je također upoznao Spocka s masažom, jogom i makrobiotičkom prehranom te meditacijom, što je navodno poboljšalo njegovo zdravlje. [11] Mary je zakazala njegove datume govora i vodila pravne sporazume za Čuvanje beba i dece za peto, šesto, sedmo, osmo i deveto izdanje. Knjigu nastavlja objavljivati ​​uz pomoć koautora Roberta Needlmana. Čuvanje beba i dece i dalje se prodaje širom svijeta. [1]

Veći dio svog života Spock je nosio odijela i košulje Brooks Brothersa sa odvojivim ovratnicima, ali u 75. godini, po prvi put u životu, Mary Morgan natjerala ga je da isproba plave traperice. Upoznala ga je s terapeutima Transakcijske analize (TA), pridružila mu se u meditaciji dva puta dnevno i skuhala mu makrobiotičku dijetu. "Vratila mi je mladost", rekao je Spock novinarima. On se prilagodio njenom načinu života, kao i ona njegovom. Bilo je 40 godina razlike u njihovim godinama, ali Spock bi rekao novinarima, na pitanje o njihovoj razlici u godinama, da oboje imaju 16 godina. [ potreban citat ]

Spock je mnogo godina živio na svojoj jedrilici Carapace, na Britanskim Djevičanskim Ostrvima, kod Tortole. [13] U dobi od 84 godine, Spock je osvojio 3. mjesto na veslačkom natjecanju, prešavši 6 milja (6,4 km) kanala Sir Francis Drake između Tortole i Norman Islanda za 2,5 sata. [14] Svoju snagu i dobro zdravlje pripisivao je svom stilu života i ljubavi prema životu. [7]

Spock je imao drugu jedrilicu po imenu Turtle, koji je živio na brodu i plovio u Maineu ljeti. Živjeli su samo na brodovima, bez kuće, većinu od 20 godina. Do 1991. godine nije mogao hodati bez pomoći, a takođe je prijavljen kao nemoćan neposredno prije smrti. [15] [16] Na samom kraju Spockovog života, njegov liječnik, Steve Pauker, iz Medicinskog centra New England, Boston, savjetovao mu je da izađe na obalu. Spock je 1992. godine dobio nagradu za hrabrost savjesti opatije mira u Predsjedničkoj biblioteci Johna F. Kennedyja za njegovu cjeloživotnu predanost razoružanju i mirnom odgoju djece. [17] [18]

Spock je umro u kući koju je iznajmljivao u La Jolli, Kalifornija, 15. marta 1998. Njegov pepeo je sahranjen u Rockportu, Maine, gdje je provodio ljeta.

1946. Spock je objavio svoju knjigu Knjiga zdravog razuma o čuvanju beba i djece, koji je postao bestseler. Njegova poruka majkama je da "znate više nego što mislite da znate." [1] Do 1998. prodan je u više od 50 miliona primjeraka i preveden na 42 jezika. [7] [8]

Prema New York Times, Čuvanje beba i dece je tokom prvih 52 godine bila druga najprodavanija knjiga, pored Biblije. [15] Prema drugim izvorima, bio je među bestselerima, iako nije bio najprodavaniji. [ potreban citat ]

Spock je zagovarao ideje o roditeljstvu koje su se u to vrijeme smatrale izvan uobičajenih. Vremenom su njegove knjige pomogle da dođe do velikih promjena. Ranije su stručnjaci [ potreban citat ] je rekao roditeljima da bebe moraju naučiti spavati prema uobičajenom rasporedu i da će ih podizanje i držanje kad god zaplaču samo naučiti da više plaču i da ne spavaju cijelu noć (pojam koji posuđuje iz bihejviorizma). Rečeno im je [ potreban citat ] da hrane svoju djecu prema redovnom rasporedu i da ih ne smiju podizati, ljubiti ili grliti, jer ih to ne bi pripremilo da budu jaki i neovisni pojedinci u surovom svijetu. Nasuprot tome, Spock je ohrabrivao roditelje da na svoju djecu gledaju kao na pojedince, i da na njih ne primjenjuju jedinstvenu filozofiju. [ potreban citat ]

Međutim, krajem 1960 -ih, Spockovo protivljenje Vijetnamskom ratu narušilo je njegovu reputaciju iz 1968. godine Čuvanje beba i dece prodano upola manje primjeraka prethodnog izdanja. [19] Kasnije u životu Spock je napisao knjigu pod naslovom Dr. Spock o Vijetnamu i koautor autobiografije pod naslovom Spock on Spock (s Mary Morgan Spock), u kojem je iznio svoj stav prema starenju: Odgodi i odbij. [ potreban citat ]

U sedmom izdanju časopisa Čuvanje beba i dece, objavljeno nekoliko tjedana nakon njegove smrti, Spock se zalagao za hrabru promjenu u prehrani djece, preporučujući da sva djeca pređu na vegansku prehranu nakon navršene 2. godine života. [20] Sam Spock prešao je na prehranu isključivo biljkama 1991. godine, nakon što je niz bolesti zbog kojih je bio slab i nije mogao hodati bez pomoći. Nakon promjene prehrane, izgubio je 50 kilograma, povratio sposobnost hodanja i postao sveukupno zdraviji. U revidiranom izdanju navodi se da će djeca na prehrani isključivo biljkama smanjiti rizik od razvoja srčanih bolesti, pretilosti, visokog krvnog tlaka, dijabetesa i određenih vrsta raka povezanih s prehranom. Studije pokazuju da su djeca vegetarijanaca mršavija, a poznato je da su odrasli vegetarijanci u manjem riziku od takvih bolesti. [21] Međutim, Spockove preporuke kritizirane su kao neodgovorne prema zdravlju djece i sposobnosti djece da održe normalan rast, a koje su potpomognute mineralima kao što su kalcij, riboflavin, vitamin D, željezo, cink, a ponekad i proteini. [15]

Spockov pristup prehrani u djetinjstvu kritiziran je od strane brojnih stručnjaka, uključujući njegovog koautora, bostonskog pedijatra, dr. Stevena J. Parkera [22], kao previše ekstreman i vjerovatno će rezultirati nedostatkom prehrane, osim ako se vrlo pažljivo planira i izvrši, nešto što bi bilo teško za zaposlene roditelje. [15] Dr T. Berry Brazelton, pedijatar u gradskoj bolnici u Bostonu, koji se specijalizirao za ponašanje djece i koji je također bio dugogodišnji obožavatelj i prijatelj dr. Spocka, nazvao je nove dijetetske preporuke "apsolutno ludim". [15] Doktor Neal Barnard, predsjednik Physicians for Responsible Medicine, organizacije u Washingtonu koja zagovara strogu vegetarijansku prehranu za sve, priznao je da je nacrtao odjeljak o prehrani u Spockovom izdanju iz 1998. Čuvanje beba i dece, ali da ga je doktor Spock uredio kako bi mu dao "svoj osobni pečat". [15] Priznato je da je u posljednjim godinama Spock pretrpio moždane udare, napade s upalom pluća, kao i srčani udar. [23]

Sindrom iznenadne smrti dojenčadi Edit

Spock je zagovarao da se dojenčad ne smije stavljati na leđa dok spavaju, komentirajući u svom izdanju iz 1958. godine da "ako [dijete] povraća, veća je vjerojatnost da će se ugušiti u povraćanju". Ovaj savjet bio je izuzetno uticajan na pružatelje zdravstvenih usluga, uz gotovo jednoglasnu podršku do 1990-ih. [24] Kasnije empirijske studije, međutim, otkrile su da postoji značajno povećan rizik od sindroma iznenadne smrti novorođenčadi (SIDS) povezan s odojčadi koja spavaju na trbuhu. Zagovornici medicine zasnovane na dokazima koristili su ovo kao primjer važnosti zasnivanja zdravstvenih preporuka na statističkim dokazima, a jedan je istraživač procijenio da bi se čak 50.000 smrtnih slučajeva u Europi, Australiji i SAD-u moglo spriječiti da je to bilo moguće Savjeti su promijenjeni do 1970. godine, kada su takvi dokazi postali dostupni. [25]

Muško obrezivanje Edit

Četrdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća Spock je preferirao obrezivanje muškaraca obavljeno u roku od nekoliko dana od rođenja. Međutim, revizijom iz 1976. godine Čuvanje beba i dece složio se s radnom grupom Američke akademije za pedijatriju 1971. godine da nema medicinskog razloga za preporuku rutinskog obrezivanja, a u članku iz 1989. za Redbook magazinu je izjavio da je "obrezivanje muškaraca traumatično, bolno i upitne vrijednosti". [26] Dobio je prvu nagradu za ljudska prava na Međunarodnom simpozijumu o obrezivanju (ISC) 1991., a citirano mu je da kaže: "Moja vlastita želja, da sam imao sreću imati još jednog sina, bila bi da ostavim njegov mali penis na miru ". [27]

Spock se 1962. pridružio Komitetu za zdravu nuklearnu politiku, poznatom i kao SANE. Spock je bio politički otvoren i aktivan u pokretu za okončanje Vijetnamskog rata. Godine 1968. njega i još četvoricu (uključujući Williama Sloanea Coffina, Marcusa Raskina, Mitchella Goodmana i Michaela Ferbera) tadašnji državni tužilac Ramsey Clark izdvojio je za krivično gonjenje pod optužbom za udruživanje radi pružanja pomoći, i podržavanja otpora nacrtu. [28] Spock i tri njegova navodna zavjerenika su osuđeni, iako njih pet nikada nisu bili zajedno u istoj prostoriji. Njegova dvogodišnja zatvorska kazna nikada nije odslužena. Uložen je žalbeni postupak, a 1969. savezni sud je poništio njegovu osudu. [29]

Godine 1967. Spock je bio pritisnut da se kandiduje za zamjenika potpredsjednika Martina Luthera Kinga mlađeg na Nacionalnoj konferenciji za novu politiku tokom vikenda u Chicagu. [30]

Godine 1968. Spock je potpisao obećanje "Protest protiv poreza na pisce i urednike", obećavši da će odbiti plaćanja poreza u znak protesta protiv rata u Vijetnamu, [31] a kasnije je postao sponzor projekta War Tax Resistance, koji je prakticirao i zagovarao porezni otpor kao oblik antiratnog protesta. [32] Uhapšen je i zbog učešća u antiratnim protestima koji su nastali potpisivanjem antiratnog manifesta "Poziv na otpor nelegitimnoj vlasti" koji su distribuirali članovi radikalnog intelektualnog kolektiva RESIST. [33] Pojedinci koji su uhapšeni tokom ovog incidenta postali su poznati kao Bostonska petorka. [34]

Godine 1968. Američko humanističko udruženje proglašeno je Spock humanistom godine. [35] 15. oktobra 1969. Spock je bio istaknuti govornik na maršu Moratorium to End War in Vietnam. [36]

1970. godine, dr. Benjamin Spock je bio aktivan u Novoj stranci, služeći kao počasni kopredsjedavajući sa Gore Vidalom. Na predsjedničkim izborima u Sjedinjenim Državama 1972. Spock je bio kandidat Narodne stranke s platformom koja je pozivala na besplatnu medicinsku njegu ukidanje zakona o "zločinima bez žrtve", uključujući legalizaciju pobačaja, homoseksualnosti i kanabisa, zagarantovanog minimalnog prihoda za porodice i za okončanje američkog vojnog intervencionizma i trenutno povlačenje svih američkih trupa iz stranih zemalja. [37] Tokom 1970 -ih i 1980 -ih, Spock je demonstrirao i držao predavanja protiv nuklearnog oružja i smanjenja programa socijalne zaštite. [ potreban citat ]

Godine 1972. Spock, Julius Hobson (njegov potpredsjednički kandidat), Linda Jenness (kandidat za predsjednika Socijalističke radničke partije) i kandidat za potpredsjednika Socijalističke radničke partije Andrew Pulley pisali su general -majoru Bertu A. Davidu, zapovjedniku Fort Dixa, tražeći dozvolu za distribuciju predizborne literature i održavanje sastanka vezanog za izbore. Na osnovu propisa Fort Dix 210-26 i 210-27, general David je odbio zahtjev. Spock, Hobson, Jenness, Pulley i drugi potom su podnijeli slučaj koji je na kraju stigao do Vrhovnog suda Sjedinjenih Država (424 US 828 -Greer, zapovjednik, vojni rezervat Fort Dix, et al., V. Spock et al.), koji je presudio protiv tužitelja. [38]

Spock je bio kandidat stranke za potpredsjednika 1976. godine. [ potreban citat ]

Konzervativno uzvraćanje Uređivanje

Norman Vincent Peale bio je popularan propovjednik koji je podržavao Vijetnamski rat. Krajem 1960-ih, Peale je kritizirao pokret protiv Vijetnamskog rata i uočenu labavost tog doba, prebacivši krivicu na knjige dr. Spocka: "SAD su platile cijenu dvije generacije koje su slijedile plan dr. Spocka za trenutak zadovoljavanje potreba. " [39]

Šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća Spock je okrivljen za nered mladih ljudi, čiji su mnogi roditelji bili bhakte Čuvanje beba i dece. [7] Potpredsjednik Spiro Agnew također je optužio Spocka za "permisivnost". [7] [40] Ove navode su s oduševljenjem prihvatili odrasli konzervativci, koji su s neodobravanjem gledali na pobunjenu omladinu tog doba, nazivajući ih "generacijom Spock". [41] [42] [43]

Spockove pristalice uzvratile su da su ove kritike odale neznanje o tome šta je Spock zapravo napisao, i/ili političku pristrasnost prema Spockovim ljevičarskim političkim aktivnostima. Sam Spock je u svojoj autobiografiji istakao da se nikada nije zalagao ni za popustljivost, te da su napadi i tvrdnje da je uništio američku omladinu nastali tek nakon njegovog javnog protivljenja ratu u Vijetnamu. On je ove tvrdnje smatrao napadima ad hominema, čija su politička motivacija i priroda jasni. [41] [42]

Spock se ovim optužbama bavio u prvom poglavlju svoje knjige iz 1994. Obnova američkih porodičnih vrijednosti: bolji svijet za našu djecu.

Oznaka dozvole: Nekoliko sedmica nakon podizanja optužnice [zbog „zavjere radi savjetovanja, pomoći i podržavanja otpora vojnom nacrtu“], optužio me velečasni Norman Vincent Peale, poznati svećenik i pisac koji je podržavao Vijetnamski rat, pokvariti čitavu generaciju. U propovijedi o kojoj se naširoko pisalo u štampi, velečasni Peale je okrivio ja uprkos nedostatku patriotizma, nedostatku odgovornosti i nedisciplini mladih ljudi koji su se protivili ratu. Svi ovi propusti, rekao je, bili su posljedica toga što sam njihovim roditeljima rekao da im pruže "trenutno zadovoljstvo" kao bebama. Oplavljen sam krivnjom u desetinama uvodnika i kolumni iz prvenstveno konzervativnih novina širom zemlje koji su se srdačno slagali s Pealeovim tvrdnjama.

Mnogi su me roditelji od tada zaustavljali na ulici ili na aerodromima kako bi mi zahvalili što sam im pomogao u odgoju dobre djece, a često su dodavali: "Ne vidim trenutno zadovoljstvo Čuvanje beba i dece". Odgovaram da su u pravu - uvijek sam savjetovao roditelje da svojoj djeci daju čvrsto, jasno vodstvo i da zauzvrat traže saradnju i pristojnost. S druge strane, takođe sam primio pisma konzervativnih majki u kojima se kaže efekat, "Hvala Bogu, nikad nisam koristio vašu užasnu knjigu. Zato se moja djeca kupaju, nose čistu odjeću i dobivaju dobre ocjene u školi. "

Od kada sam primio prvu optužbu dvadeset dvije godine kasnije Čuvanje beba i dece bila prvobitno objavljena - a budući da me oni koji pišu o tome koliko je moja knjiga uvijek štetna uvjeravaju da je nikada nisu koristili - mislim da je jasno da je neprijateljstvo prema mojoj politici, a ne prema pedijatrijskim savjetima. I premda već dvadeset i pet godina negiram optužbu, jedno od prvih pitanja koje dobijam od mnogih reportera i anketara je: "Doktore Spock, jeste li još uvijek popustljivi?" Ne možete sustići lažnu optužbu.

U junu 1992., Spock je rekao novinaru Associated Pressa Davidu Beardu, [44] da postoji veza između pedijatrije i političkog aktivizma:

Ljudi su rekli: "Okrenuli ste leđa pedijatriji." Rekao sam: "Ne. Trebalo mi je sve do 60. godine da shvatim da je politika dio pedijatrije." [44] [45]

Konzervativci također kritiziraju Spocka jer ga zanimaju ideje Sigmunda Freuda i Johna Deweya i njegovi napori da integriraju svoje filozofije u opću populaciju. [7] Spock je napisao:

John Dewey i Freud rekli su da djeca ne moraju biti disciplinirana u odrasloj dobi, već se mogu usmjeriti ka odrasloj dobi slijedeći svoju volju [7]

Spock je imao dvoje djece: Michaela i Johna. Michael je ranije bio direktor Bostonskog dječjeg muzeja, a budući da se povukao iz muzejske profesije, John je vlasnik građevinske firme. Spockov unuk Peter, Michaelov sin, umro je samoubistvom na Božić 1983. u 22. godini skokom sa krova Dječijeg muzeja. [46] Bio je honorarno zaposlen u muzeju [47] i dugo mu je dijagnosticirana bolest shizofrenija. [48] ​​Ova priča se često pogrešno prenosi kao Michaelova, a ne Piterovo samoubistvo. [49]

Godine 1924., dok je bio na Yaleu, Spock je bio dio sveukupnog muškog veslačkog tima Yale na Olimpijskim igrama u Parizu, kojim je upravljao James Rockefeller, kasnije predsjednik onoga što će postati Citigroup. Na takmičenju na Seni osvojili su zlatnu medalju. [50]


Spock osuđen zbog pomaganja u odbrani - 14. juna 1968. - HISTORY.com

SP5 Mark Kuzinski

Porota Saveznog okružnog suda u Bostonu osuđuje dr. Benjamina Spocka i trojicu drugih, uključujući kapelana Sveučilišta Yale Williama Sloane Coffina, mlađeg, za urotu radi pružanja pomoći, podržavanja i savjetovanja registara da prekrše Zakon o selektivnoj službi.

Za vrijeme Johnsonove administracije, Spock, ljekar i poznati autor Knjige zdravog razuma o njezi beba i djece, bio je sveprisutna ličnost na antiratnim demonstracijama. U aprilu 1967., Spock, velečasni Martin Luther King, mlađi i zabavljač Harry Belafonte poveli su oko 300.000 ljudi u marš do sjedišta Ujedinjenih naroda u New Yorku, najveće antiratne demonstracije do sada. Spock je bio jedan od izvornih potpisnika Poziva na otpor nelegitimnim vlastima, objavljenog u rujnu 1967., koji je podržavao nacrt otpora i pravo vojnika da odbiju poslušati "nezakonita i nemoralna naređenja".


Aktivisti su se decenijama borili protiv američkog vojnog poziva - možda će uskoro morati ponovo

Kao da ovih dana nema dovoljno briga, od žena će uskoro biti potrebno da se prijave za vojnu regrutaciju.

Možda niste čuli za ovaj razvoj događaja zbog lavine vijesti o COVID-19. In late March, a national commission urged Congress to mandate that all women between 18 and 25 enroll with the Selective Service System, the agency that oversees the military draft.

Congress may well ratify this proposal. Many prominent figures in both parties endorse the idea from Hillary Clinton to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. If the past is any guide, however, we can expect activists to resist. During the Vietnam War, a massive draft resistance movement forced the government to eliminate the conscription system altogether. When Jimmy Carter reintroduced the current registration system in 1980, a powerful anti-draft movement hobbled the government’s efforts to implement it.

Nevertheless, the system has continued to register young men. The issue faded from national consciousness until 2015, when Obama allowed women to serve in combat roles. Various commentators and politicians asked: If women can fight on the front lines, why shouldn’t they also be subjected to the draft? Others raised a related question: Why not require everyone to perform some form of national service? Congress then charged the National Commission on Military, National, and Public Service to examine such issues.

The commission spent three years and $45 million, conducted hearings throughout the country and solicited several thousand public comments. Its 245-page final report contained 49 recommendations, mostly ways to encourage voluntary opportunities for public and governmental service.

Only the recommendation that would force women to register for the draft contains a compulsory element. If adopted, women who refuse to register would, like their male counterparts, be liable to criminal prosecution subject to up to five years in prison and/or a $250,000 fine.

Some progressives and feminists support the commission’s proposal. Jackie Speer, a liberal Democratic congresswoman from California, told The Hill: “If we want equality in this country, if we want women to be treated precisely like men are treated and that they should not be discriminated against, then we should support a universal conscription.”

Meanwhile, Rivera Sun of CODEPINK, a women-led grassroots antiwar organization, disagrees. She told the commission: “The draft is not a women’s rights issue. Women’s equality will not be achieved by including women in a draft system that forces civilians to participate in activities that are against their will and harm others in large numbers, such as war. There is only one way for draft registration to treat everyone equally: abolish draft registration.”

This is not a radical idea. Except for brief periods during the Civil War and World War I, the United States had been conscription-free until the eve of World War II. Compulsory military service was considered un-American, incompatible with the values espoused by the land of the free. Countless numbers of immigrants came here to keep from being drafted in their native lands. One such immigrant was Frederick Trump, grandfather of the current president, who fled Bavaria to avoid being pressed into the Imperial German Army.

The United States discontinued conscription after World War II but resumed it in time for the Korean War. After that war ended, however, the United States continued to draft young men into the military. Relatively few were called up in those years. However, its very existence meant that any president could quickly mobilize troops without any check from Congress or the public.

The draft made it easy for the president to launch the war. But resisters exploited its main vulnerability: The draft requires the cooperation of those subjected to it.

That’s exactly what Lyndon B. Johnson did starting in 1965. The previous year he ran as the “peace candidate” saying he would not get the United States into a land war in Asia. Within months of the election, using pretexts of a fraudulent attack on a warship and an assault on a U.S. base, Johnson started pouring American troops into Vietnam. Because the president could issue draft calls on his own, he ordered nearly a quarter-million draftees into military service in 1965 and nearly 400,000 the next year. Soon there were a half-million American troops fighting in Vietnam, mostly draftees or men who’d enlisted to keep from being drafted. (Enlistees could choose their branch of service but had to spend three years, rather than two, in the military.)

Having the draft enabled Johnson to drag the United States into a major land war before the public fully grasped what was happening. The gross inequities of the draft system also helped him blunt public awareness of the massive buildup. Despite large numbers sent to Asia, only a fraction of those eligible served. Of the 27 million men of draft age during the decade of the war, only 2.5 million — or less than 10 percent — served in Vietnam.

To determine who would be drafted, the Selective Service offered lots of loopholes for the children of the political and economic elite, as well as much of the middle class. College students like Bill Clinton and Dick Cheney weren’t touched. Nor were those able to obtain doctor’s notes for minor — or contrived — maladies like bone spurs, as was the case with Donald Trump. For fear of ruffling affluent feathers, Johnson refused to call up the reserves or National Guard — another preserve of the middle class, some of whom, like George W. Bush, secured spots through political connections.

As a result, Vietnam became a working-class war. What’s more, most conscripts couldn’t even vote, as the voting age then was 21. Talk about taxation without representation!

The draft resistance movement takes rise

The draft made it easy for the president to launch the war. But resisters exploited its main vulnerability: The draft requires the cooperation of those subjected to it. Gene Sharp, a disciple of Gandhi and one of the chief theorists of nonviolence, explains: “Nonviolent action is based on a very simple postulate: People do not always do what they are told to do, and sometimes they act in ways that have been forbidden … If people do this in sufficient numbers for long enough, that government or hierarchical system will no longer have power.”

At the time when Johnson upped the draft calls, men were required to carry their draft cards at all times and obey orders from Selective Service or face up to five years imprisonment. Defying the law, men began burning their draft cards or returning them to the government at public antiwar rallies. In the most impressive action, more than a thousand men turned in their cards at simultaneous rallies held in over two dozen cities on October 16, 1967. Organizers collected the cards and hand delivered them to the Justice Department in Washington, D.C. The government responded by indicting Benjamin Spock, a well-known pediatrician, and four others for aiding and abetting men violating the law. The crackdown backfired. Not only did the government lose the case, but hundreds of older adults, including Martin Luther King Jr., signed petitions or made public statements in support of draft resisters.

Two points should be made about draft resistance during the Vietnam War. First, it was an explicitly nonviolent movement. Many of its leaders had been involved in the civil rights movement in the South, and they deepened their commitment to nonviolence from esteemed mentors.

David Miller burned his draft card at a public rally just after Congress passed a law specifically to make that act a crime. At the time, he lived and worked in a Catholic Worker house in New York. Bruce Dancis coordinated the first mass draft resistance action when some 200 men burned their cards before a major protest march led by Martin Luther King Jr. in New York. Dancis studied at Cornell where poet and priest Daniel Berrigan taught.

David Harris, who helped organize the national card turn-in in October 1967, was part of the Gandhian Institute for the Study of Nonviolence in Palo Alto, founded by Ira Sandperl and Joan Baez. Michael Ferber, a leader of the Boston Resistance group and indicted along with Dr. Spock, was the college roommate of David Dellinger’s son. A World War II draft resister, Dellinger was one of the defendants in the infamous Chicago 7 trial. Ferber wrote an excellent history of the Vietnam anti-draft movement called “The Resistance.” He coauthored the book with historian Staughton Lynd, a well-known peace and labor activist. (In my personal case, Martin Luther King Jr. inspired me. I turned in my draft card along with about a dozen other men at a public gathering a few days after his assassination.)

The second important point about the draft resistance movement is that it succeeded by undermining the system. Its organizers believed that if we could get enough men to resist, we could overwhelm the prison system. They explicitly used the model of the civil rights campaign in Birmingham in 1963, when hundreds of citizens (including children) were jailed and brought the city to a standstill. They believed they could achieve the same result with enough draft resisters. Yet this tactic didn’t work as quickly, nor as obviously, as it had in the South. Ultimately, the draft resistance movement did overwhelm the system, but few of us realized our impact.

The draft becomes a major liability

During the war years, the Selective Service referred some 210,000 men to the Justice Department for prosecution. Of that number, less than 10 percent were indicted, just 4 percent were convicted, and only 1.5 percent (about 4,000) were sentenced to prison. Public sympathy for draft resisters helps explain why federal prosecutors were reluctant to go after violators and judges declined to sentence many of those convicted to prison. By the spring of 1970, a Gallup survey revealed that only 17 percent of adults favored jail time for those who refused to cooperate. According to the most detailed study of the Vietnam draft: “Had [draft law violators] been prosecuted as vigorously as bank robbers, the federal prison system would have had to double its capacity at the height of the war.”

Brayton Harris, Assistant Director of Selective Service, admitted to a TV reporter that many men had registered as “Jimmy Carter” and some women registered as a protest.

By showing they were not intimidated, draft resisters demystified the system and helped create an environment where increasing numbers of their peers were emboldened to find their own ways to avoid going to Vietnam. An estimated 250,000 simply didn’t register (almost none were ever caught). Many intentionally flunked their military physical exams (two out of three failed to pass in mid-1970, as opposed to less than half six months earlier). Some 30,000 fled to Canada or Sweden. And nearly 800,000 filed for conscientious objector designation during the war. In 1972 more men received conscientious objector status than were inducted in the Army.

An article in New York magazine in June 29, 1970, entitled “Selective Service Meets Massive Resistance,” described the situation: “Draft resistance in New York City has become so widespread and so sophisticated that the Selective Service System, cumbersome to begin with, today seems barely capable of drafting anybody who doesn’t care to be drafted.” In Oakland, California, 53 percent of 4,500 who were ordered for induction did not show up, and another 5 percent appeared but refused to be inducted.

Many women and overage men joined draft-age resisters to challenge the system. They often targeted the 4,000-plus local draft boards and induction centers for vigils, rallies, sit-ins, or even actual raids where activists broke in and destroyed files. (Daniel and Philip Berrigan conducted the most famous break-in in Catonsville, Maryland, in 1968.) By 1970, the Selective Service reported that, on average, there was at least one “antidraft occurrence” (demonstration or break-in) every day. The situation was so bad the agency reported that local boards had difficulty renting space and keeping staff.

Instead of being a dependable system for funneling cannon fodder into the swamps and jungles of Vietnam, the draft had become a major liability for the war machine. Soon after Richard Nixon became president in 1969, he decided that the best way to blunt opposition to the war was to get rid of the draft altogether. The system was dismantled in 1973.

The draft returns, but so does protest

Jimmy Carter decided to resurrect conscription seven years later after the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. He decreed that all men born in 1960 or 1961 register at local post offices during a two-week period in the summer of 1980 — or face up to five years in prison. To encourage voluntary compliance, Selective Service paid $200,000 to a public relations firm to produce pro-registration commercials featuring such notables as the coach of the “Miracles on Ice” U.S. Olympic hockey team. Anti-draft groups countered with their own radio spots by Lily Tomlin and Martin Sheen. Those who showed up to register were greeted with rallies, demonstrations and sit-ins in dozens of cities. Some protesters removed the registration forms from post offices and destroyed them.

Brayton Harris, Assistant Director of Selective Service, admitted to a TV reporter that many men had registered as “Jimmy Carter” and some women registered as a protest. He claimed, however, that in 90 days the IRS would have tabulated data about those who had not registered, so that “we will go into high gear on enforcement.” As it turned out, only about 70 percent of the 1.5 million men required to register had done so voluntarily, leaving some 450,000 in violation of the law.

Realizing the impossibility of prosecuting nearly a half-million young men, the Department of Justice — according to an internal memo — decided that “an initial round of well-publicized, successful prosecutions … might well yield sufficient general deterrence so that the Selective Service System [could] maintain the credibility of the system.”

Edward Hasbrouck in front of the Federal courthouse in Boston before being sentenced for refusing to register for the draft in January 1983. (Hasbrouck.org/Ellen Shub)

The government’s “high gear on enforcement” failed miserably. Only 20 men were prosecuted, and that failed to deter the thousands who publicly refused to register and the hundreds of thousands who did so quietly.

One of those singled out for prosecution was Edward Hasbrouck, a nonregistrant who’d been an outspoken organizer of the anti-draft campaign. An ambitious young federal attorney named Robert Mueller (yes, that Robert Mueller) represented the government. The case became a cause celebre in New England with several demonstrations, including one when three people chained themselves to Boston’s federal courthouse doors to prevent the trial from proceeding. Mueller won the court case, but the judge suspended a six-month jail sentence and ordered Hasbrouck to do 1,000 hours of community service. (A year later, displeased that Hasbrouck was continuing his anti-draft organizing work, the judge reimposed the prison term.)

The Selective Service becomes a political sinecure

Selective Service then became a stealth system. Since not all men would voluntarily sign up nor be frightened into it, the agency enlisted other government agencies. Now about 50 percent of registrations occur when men get their state driver’s license (31 states require draft registration). Another 20 percent when they apply for a college loan. (Most student loans are backed by the federal or state governments.)

Much like other parts of the military-industrial complex and America’s forever wars, the Selective Service occupies a niche in the military apparatus that endures because nobody challenges it.

Penalties for not registering can be severe. Someone who has not registered by the age of 26 will be refused a job or job training with the federal government or with most state governments. Meanwhile, any noncitizen who fails to register before age 26 will be ineligible for citizenship.

Still, despite having spent more than $800 million over the last 35 years, the Selective Service admits that only about 90 percent comply with the law. So, every year about 200,000 men slip through the various Selective Service nets, and more than one million men could be prosecuted as felons. That does not count the numbers who have technically violated the law because they do not notify Selective Service every time they change their address — a requirement almost universally ignored.

Former Selective Service Director Bernard Rostker described the resulting situation with the commission last year, saying, “the current system of registration does not provide a comprehensive and nor an accurate database upon which to implement conscription. It systematically lacks large segments of the eligible male population and for those that are included, the currency of information contained is questionable.” Indeed, Rostker concluded: “My bottom line is there is no need to continue to register people.”

So, why does the Selective Service carry on despite its inability to perform its most basic functions? Bureaucratic inertia is part of the answer. Much like other parts of the military-industrial complex and America’s forever wars, the Selective Service occupies a little niche in the military apparatus that endures because nobody challenges it.

The agency also serves as a political sinecure. Its current director is Don Benton, whose main qualification for the job appears to be that he chaired Trump’s campaign in the Pacific Northwest. Trump originally appointed him to the Environmental Protection Agency, but he was pushed out after only two months because of his “bizarre” behavior and then put in charge of the Selective Service. His resume may receive even more scrutiny when Congress considers the commission’s proposal to register women. While a Washington state senator, he once told a female Republican senator that she was acting as a “trashy trampy-mouthed little girl.”

Shouldn’t we transform the draft into something useful?

Granted, the Selective Service may be badly flawed, but shouldn’t we keep the draft registration system just in case we need to fight another major war? That’s precisely how its supporters defend the agency. Its website quotes President Trump as saying: “Historically, the nation has maintained Selective Service registration to provide a hedge against the catastrophe not yet anticipated. Registration is a means to sustain preparedness.”

Prepared for what? Conscription’s supporters invariably bring up the specter of World War II, the “Good War,” when about 50 million men between the ages of 18 and 45 registered, 10 million were drafted, and another 6 million enlisted for military service. The vast majority of the public believes that war was righteous and that conscription was necessary to defeat fascism.

How likely is such a scenario in the contemporary world? Military technology — such as drones, artificial intelligence and long-range missiles — has changed the nature of modern warfare. These changes have eliminated the need for large numbers of lightly trained manpower, that is, conscripted cannon fodder.

If members of Congress look at conscription as something that might apply to themselves, they would undoubtedly support bills to abolish the antiquated and ineffective Military Selective Service System.

Consider the past half century. The United States has engaged in numerous conflicts without the draft: In 1991 the government quickly assembled more than 540,000 troops to fight the Gulf War. For the so-called War on Terror, there was at one point 100,000 U.S. troops in Afghanistan, 150,000 in Iraq, and much smaller numbers deployed in Syria, Libya, Somalia, Niger, Chad, Mali and the Philippines.

What about military preparedness for a “catastrophe not yet anticipated”? According to retired Air Force Lieutenant Colonel and historian William Astore, the United States has what he calls a “potent quick-strike force” of roughly 250,000 troops of Special Operations forces and Marines. If you add to that total, the Army’s 82nd and 101st Airborne 10th Mountain Divisions, Astore insists that the United States has “more than enough military power to provide for America’s actual national security.”

The Selective Service may not play a role in terms of national security, but it does perpetuate the war machine’s grip on American consciousness. It’s one of those subtle ways the military has become an accepted backdrop of our society. Aside from those unlucky ones who are denied jobs or college loans, the rest of us rarely get reminded that the draft is lurking behind the scenes. An exception took place earlier this year after the president ordered the assassination of a senior Iranian official and threatened to go to war with Iran. The next day the Selective Service’s website crashed because of the deluge of anxious men checking whether they were about to be drafted.

Ending conscription once and for all

When Congress begins to debate the commission’s recommendation, we can expect to hear arguments favoring conscription that are unrelated to military preparedness. Some will contend that the draft would enforce a kind of social egalitarianism and point nostalgically to the experiences of draftees in the past.

Essayist Joseph Epstein, who was drafted in the late 1950s, claimed that “Under the draft, the American social fabric would change — and, judging from my experience, for the better.” He recalled: “I slept in barracks and shared all my meals with American Indians, African Americans from Detroit, white Appalachians, Christian Scientists from Kansas, and discovered myself befriending and being befriended by young men I would not otherwise have met. I have never felt more American than when I was in the Army.”

That may be a powerful argument, but other draftees had much less rosy recollections of military life — the enforced regimentation, the petty rules, the training to kill and maim. And Epstein doesn’t consider the “selective” part of Selective Service. Any resumption of the draft would only impact a small percentage of the population as the military simply doesn’t need millions of warm bodies. The Armed Forces have set the bar so high that 70 percent of all volunteers fail to pass the physical exam.

What about national service? After all, the country desperately needs work done on its infrastructure, work to develop renewable energy sources, improve educational opportunities and health care. Why not greatly expand Americorps and the Peace Corps or other agencies with “draftees”?

What about the current pandemic? “Why isn’t compulsory service on the menu of policy options right now?” Charli Carpenter, a professor at UMass-Amherst, conjectured in a recent op-ed. “Imagine that the Selective Service called up members of the age group least vulnerable to a severe course of — let alone death from — COVID-19 and drafted them not to join the military but to perform paid civilian service.” She suggested that her 18-year-old son Liam would be perfect for such service.

National service is a laudable idea, and the commission made dozens of valuable recommendations in this regard. But many who advocate for national service insist that it be made compulsory. And why just young men or just young men and women? Virtually everyone in any age group can make useful contributions to society, even septuagenarians like myself. After all, almost half of all U.S. senators (48) are older than 65, as are 147 U.S. representatives and 15 governors. The current president is 73.

Yet you never hear someone recommend compulsory military or national service for people in their own age group. Or demand that middle-aged and older people be required to register with a government agency and be available to spend two years of their lives in the military or voluntary service opportunities under penalty of five years in jail and/or a fine of $250,000.

It’s certainly no surprise that a national survey found that only 38 percent of women vs. 61 percent of men favor the commission’s recommendation that females be registered. If members of Congress look at conscription as something that might apply to themselves, they would undoubtedly support bills to abolish the antiquated and ineffective Military Selective Service System. If they don’t get rid of the agency, it will be up to nonviolent resisters to find creative ways to put an end to conscription once and for all.


Dr. Spock convicted for aiding draft resisters - HISTORY

The first temptation, one which now affects the draft resistance movement, is to measure actions in the movement by a code of individual conduct. Some refuse to enter the army because no moral man could engage in combat in Vietnam some disassociate themselves from the Selective Service System because association with the machinery of slaughter is unconscionable others assume the jeopardy of draft refusal even if they are not subject to the draft because no moral man can let others suffer injustice alone.

In this country such an individual code easily becomes the primary or only standard for political conduct…Equipped only with a standard of individual conduct and a calculus of right and courage we lose sight not only of the many kinds of change needed but also of the motivation for change. So equipped, we easily confine our organizing to the campus. People there are not immediately threatened by the draft. One and only one main force can move them to assume jeopardy in order to protest it: a standard of individual conduct. We feel we must organize the campus.

But all the while men of Charlestown and South Boston and Riverside, of Roxbury and Dorchester and of the working-class parts of cities all over the country are threatened by the draft and are more gently coerced by the security of enlistment….

Our solution must be to begin to organize those most threatened by the US armed forces. How many people gave out information about the October 16 rally in Boston in poor and working-class neighborhoods? Who put up posters speaking the language of those communities? Who tried to counter, thereby, the image the press promotes of us as hippies, cowards, and peace finks? Who suggested in those places that we – not the US Army – speak to people's immediate and long-range interests?

Quoted in The Resistance, by Michael Ferber and Staughton Lynd, (Beacon Press, 1971).


BIBLIOGRAFIJA

Bloom, Lynn. 1972. Doctor Spock: Biography of a Conservative Radical. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.

Hulbert, Ann. 2003. Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice about Children. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Mitford, Jessica. 1969. The Trial of Dr. Spock, the Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr., Michael Ferber, Mitchell Goodman, and Marcus Raskin. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Spock, Benjamin, and Mary Morgan. 1989. Spock on Spock: A Memoir of Growing Up with the Century. New York: Panteon.

Zuckerman, Michael. 1993. ȭoctor Spock: The Confidence Man." In Almost Chosen People: Oblique Biographies in the American Grain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.


Documentary ‘The Boys Who Said No!’ recalls anti-draft, anti-war movement

A highly effective and moving new documentary about the young American men who refused to be sucked into the maw of the Selective Service System during the Vietnam War has just appeared. The Boys Who Said No!: Draft Resistance and the Vietnam War is featured in the Socially Relevant Film Festival online and is available for free viewing now but only until March 21 at 8:59 p.m. (I assume that’s in whatever time zone you’re in, but to be on the safe side, I advise you not to wait that long!)

Oscar-nominated filmmaker Judith Ehrlich directs this story of a growing mass movement of war resisters who choose conscience (and their own lives!) over killing peasants halfway around the globe who never did them any harm. By attempting to halt the war machine—and not only to save their own skins—they were also hoping to spare any other American death, danger and disability, and to allow the peoples of the former French Indo-China in today’s Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, the freedom to determine their own national destinies.

Even without having developed, in many cases, a sophisticated analysis of U.S. global interests and the way the U.S. sought to take over from the dying French and British empires, these resisters implicitly recognized an imperialist war when they saw one.

At first, the movement was small and isolated. The filmmakers take pains to associate it with the conscience acquired in the Civil Rights movement. Throughout, they make the connection between the deprivation of human and voting rights in the U.S. and the moral and political stances activists Black and white people assumed once the Vietnam War started heating up, especially after Lyndon B. Johnson became president in late 1963.

Among those whose voices are heard here are the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., who was not the first to make public his understanding of the linkages between the domestic and the global struggles. In fact, his story is part of the larger one the film develops, showing how slow and gradual, how depressingly incremental was the growing support for the Resistance. MLK visits Joan Baez in Santa Rita Prison and ties the racial justice and peace movements in an impassioned speech. It is this phase of King’s activism, as well as his support for the labor movement, that is generally left out of the sanitized picture of the saintly preacher who talked about the long arc of justice.

The film chronicles a youth-led movement of draft resisters who ended the draft and helped end the brutal war. These events, taking place in the latter half of the 1960s and into the early 1970s, are practically ancient history now for most of the world’s population that is, after all, under the age of 60 and has no active memory of the period.

Viewers will be introduced to a host of prominent individuals who stood with the draft resisters, such as Dr. Benjamin Spock, Stokely Carmichael, Daniel Ellsberg, Father Dan Berrigan, as well as a roster of resisters themselves, now in their 70s. If there is one featured resister in the film, that would have to be David Harris, who wound up getting sentenced to three years in federal prison (he served 20 months). Remarkable film footage survives of many of his speeches, which not only attracted thousands to join him in resisting the draft, but also impressed folksinger Joan Baez. The two married, and had a son together, though life together after prison did not work out successfully and they separated. Film footage includes secretly recorded scenes inside federal prisons.

Another resister who graces the film off and on is boxer Muhammad Ali. The face of the anti-war and anti-draft movement has come down to the present day as Caucasian, as if it were only privileged white college students who got “woke” to the peril that faced then. But this was not the case at the time, and the documentary establishes the larger truth that many young Black men and their families also burned or tore up their draft cards, or later on, as the SSS started collapsing administratively, just stopped showing up at pre-induction physicals, as other young men also did.

Interviewees recall the militant public actions they took to oppose the war and refuse any part in it. These were not, as they were called, “draft dodgers,” and they did not pay off doctors to find phony disqualifying “bone spurs.” They were beaten mercilessly as they sat in, blocked induction entrances, leafletted the young men entering, marched and sang. They demonstrated a courage to defend human rights, including their own, that was fully the equal of others who were drafted and sent overseas to fight. They knew they would be physically harmed, arrested, tried, sent to prison, and subjected to possibly years of punishment and long retribution for their conscience, yet stayed the course and took the risks. An estimated 570,000 men resisted the draft in one form or another.

Other Americans, not susceptible to the draft themselves, supported the anti-war movement in a myriad of ways, some quite dramatic, such as raiding SSS offices and destroying files. In time, some college chaplains and ministers of religion came to see the immortality of the war and joined the movement. Women played an important role as family members, draft counselors, people who helped run anti-war coffeehouses and attended trials, as well as demonstrated.

The crafty Richard Nixon makes a number of appearances in the film. Those of short memory may not recall that in 1968 he actually ran as a peace candidate! We are reminded here of the long, slow slog toward the final dénouement as he gradually withdrew some American troops and turned Vietnam into more of an air war. Eventually, under Nixon, the draft was abolished in 1973.

That was not the only success of the anti-war movement. Though the war proceeded mercilessly, at various points it could easily have gotten much worse, but the growing disaffection with it prevented further and more brutal escalation. After 1968, a majority of American public opinion had turned against the war. If the U.S. government in the end wound the war down—in 1973 turning it over almost entirely to South Vietnamese puppet forces—it’s not because anyone in the White House had concluded it was wrong, but only unwinnable. Any further escalation, such as the 1970 invasion of Cambodia, would only result in the further disheveling of the American social fabric.

Let it never be claimed that the anti-war movement did no good. Over time, the courts started listening to the resisters, taken by the depth of their sincerity, willing, as they were, to go to jail rather than compromise their souls. Up to 90% of those indicted were not convicted.

Ideologically, The Boys Who Said No! takes a strong nonviolent position. Acts of violence and destruction did take place on the part of some who after years and years became frustrated with the continuing progress of the war, but the futility of it became apparent. The way to win over the great masses of the American people simply had to be nonviolent in the spirit of Gandhi, Dr. King, Joan Baez, and other leaders. Columbia University student activist Mark Rudd, who later spent years in the Weather Underground, makes a brief appearance here, reflecting on how “gullible” and out of touch he was at the time.

As one who was personally active in the anti-draft, anti-war movement at that time (and did a little jail time myself), I noticed some things rather pointedly left out. In the filmmaker’s zeal to remind viewers of the Civil Rights inspiration to the first wave of anti-war protesters, she brings in a number of references to the Southern Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). I have no problem with that, and it was a positive contribution. But on the big college campuses where the movement really took off, the main organizing was led by Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), which goes unmentioned.

This is not the place to recount my own experience, but I have done so in an essay, “My SDS Activist Years in New Orleans” in You Say You Want a Revolution: SDS, PL, and Adventures in Building a Worker-Student Alliance (San Francisco: 1741 Press, 2019). It felt a little weird to see myself and the entire organization I thought was so critical to the anti-war movement submerged in the turbulent stream of history, but I guess it’s time to start getting used to the feeling of erasure! Or was this part of the “cancel culture?”

Also slighted are the investigative trips made to Hanoi under wartime conditions by American peace activists (Jane Fonda is still remembered not so fondly in many super-patriotic quarters, but there were others as well, including Herbert Aptheker from the CPUSA with Tom Hayden and Staughton Lynd). Another response from the young men subjected to the draft was to emigrate—to Canada, Scandinavia or other places—some of them permanently.

Left out, too, was Jimmy Carter’s amnesty. On the first full day of his presidency, Jan. 21, 1977, Carter granted unconditional pardons to the hundreds of thousands who had evaded the draft, either by leaving the country or by refusing to cooperate with SSS. The best-known American to serve in Vietnam and then turn against the war upon his return was, of course, John Kerry, but he does not appear in the film either.

These are in the end small observations and not meant to detract from the necessity of this film now while so many of the principals in the movement are still with us. The ending is beautiful, tying the spirit of resistance which had become so internalized in us to the movements of today.


Pogledajte video: PAO U KOMU I OTIŠAO U BUDUĆNOST! OTKRIO NEZAMISLIVO! (Decembar 2021).

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