Novo

Sudnica Appomattox

Sudnica Appomattox

Sudnica Appomattox

Leejeva predaja u sudu u Appomattoxu.

Slika preuzeta iz Bitke i vođe građanskog rata: IV: Put do Appomattoxa , p.736

Povratak na Robert E. Lee



McLean House (Appomattox, Virdžinija)

The McLean House blizu Appomattoxa, Virginia je unutar Nacionalnog povijesnog parka Appomattox Court House. Kuća je bila u vlasništvu Wilmera McLeana i njegove supruge Virginije pred kraj Američkog građanskog rata. Služio je kao mjesto predaje Konfederacijske vojske generala Roberta E. Leeja 9. aprila 1865. godine, nakon bitke u blizini. [3]

Seoska kuća predstavlja povijesni stil gradnje u Pijemont Virginiji sredinom devetnaestog stoljeća. Sadašnja zgrada je rekonstruisana forma originala korištenjem izvornih materijala. Pažljivo je dekonstruiran 1890 -ih za otpremu i izlaganje u Washingtonu, ali ti planovi su propali, a materijali su ostali na mjestu. 1940 -ih završila je u rukama službe Nacionalnog parka i rekonstruirana je na izvornom temelju. Kuća je stavljena na raspolaganje javnosti 1949. godine. Zabilježena je u Nacionalnom registru historijskih mjesta 1966. godine i u bazi podataka Službe Nacionalnih parkova 1989. godine. [4]


10 činjenica: Sudnica Appomattoxa

Činjenica #1: General Robert E. Lee predao se general -potpukovniku Ulyssesu S. Grantu nakon bitke ranije tog jutra.

Predaja vojske Sjeverne Virdžinije - najslavnije vojske Konfederacije - uslijedila je nakon poraza u posljednjoj bitci rata u Virginiji. Sudnička bitka kod Appomattoxa bila je vrhunac kampanje koja je započela jedanaest dana ranije u bitci na Lewisovoj farmi.

Robert E. Lee Kongresna biblioteka

Činjenica #2: U samo nešto više od jedne sedmice prije bitke kod suda u Appomattoxu, Lee je izgubio više od polovice svoje vojske.

Tokom opsade Peterburga od juna 1864. do aprila 1865. Lee je imao pod svojom komandom oko 60.000 ljudi koji su se suprotstavili više od 100.000 vojnika Unije. Prvog aprila, pobjeda Unije u bitci kod Pet Forksa omogućila je Grantovim snagama da se zaokruže oko Petersburga, ostavljajući Leejeve ukope ranjivim. Kada su federalci sljedećeg dana probili odbranu Konfederacije u Petersburgu, Lee je bio prisiljen na evakuaciju.

Hiljade vojnika zarobljeno je u bitkama kod Pet Forksa, proboja u Petersburgu, a posebno u Sailor's Creeku - gdje se oko četvrtina vojske predala nakon što je odsječena od Leeja. Grantove snage neprestano su uznemiravale pobunjenike dok su se oni nastavljali povlačiti prema zapadu po svojim slabim linijama opskrbe. Među izgladnjelim i opsjednutim vojnicima pustošilo se, a Konfederati su u nekoliko bitaka pretrpjeli velike gubitke.

Činjenica #3: U sudskoj kući Appomattox Lee je zadnji put pokušao pobjeći iz Grantovog dosega.

Kongresna biblioteka generala Charlesa Griffina

Jako nadmašen i sa nedostatkom zaliha, Leejeva je situacija bila teška u travnju 1865. Ipak, Lee je vodio niz napornih noćnih marševa, nadajući se da će doći do zaliha u Farmvilleu i na kraju se pridružiti vojsci general -majora Josepha E. Johnstona u Sjevernoj Karolini.

Dana 8. aprila, Konfederacije su otkrile da je bijeg vojske blokirala federalna konjica. Zapovjednici Konfederacije odlučili su pokušati probiti konjički ekran, u nadi da konjanike nisu podržale druge trupe. Grant je, međutim, predvidio Leejeve pokušaje bijega i naredio dva korpusa (XXIV i V) pod komandom general -majora Johna Gibbona i Bvt. General -major Charles Griffin marširat će cijelu noć kako bi pojačao unijatsku konjicu i prekinuo Leejev bijeg.

U zoru 9. aprila, ostaci korpusa generala generala Johna Browna Gordona i konjice generala majora Fitzhugha Leeja istjerali su savezne konjanike. Nakon što su zauzeli greben koji su Jenkiji branili, Konfederati su shvatili da su bili u velikoj zabludi: Gibbonov i Griffinov korpus završili su svoje noćne marševe i odmah su otjerali umorne pobunjenike.

Činjenica #4: Lee je odlučio djelomično predati svoju vojsku jer je želio spriječiti nepotrebno uništavanje juga.

Kad je konfederacijama postalo jasno da su isuviše tanko rastegnuti da bi se probili kroz linije Unije, Lee je primijetio da mi „ne preostaje ništa drugo nego da odem vidjeti generala Granta, a ja bih radije umro hiljadu smrti“. Nisu se svi njegovi podređeni složili s njim jednim takvim oficirom, Brigom. General Edward Porter Alexander predložio je Leeju da rastera vojsku i kaže ljudima da se pregrupiraju s Johnstonovom vojskom ili da se vrate u svoje države kako bi nastavili borbu. Lee je odbacio tu ideju, objašnjavajući da „ako poslušam vaš savjet, ljudi bi bili bez obroka i bez kontrole oficira. Bili bi primorani da pljačkaju i kradu kako bi preživjeli. Postali bi obične grupe pljačkaša ... Uveli bismo stanje u kojem bi zemlji trebalo mnogo godina da se oporavi. "

Činjenica #5: Grant se složio s otpuštanjem cijele vojske Sjeverne Virdžinije, umjesto da ih odvede u zarobljeništvo.

Oko 1.30 popodne 9. aprila, Lee i Grant sastali su se u kući McLean u selu sa grupom policajaca. General Unije odobrio je Leeju povoljne uslove za predaju: dopustivši muškarcima da se vrate svojim kućama, a oficirima, konjanicima i topnicima da drže mačeve i konje ako se ljudi slože da polože oružje i pridržavaju se saveznog zakona. Grant je čak isporučio hranu pobunjenicima, koji su očajnički imali niske obroke.

Grantova popustljivost - zajedno s Leejevom nespremnošću da riskira gerilski rat - može se djelomično pripisati relativnom miroljubivosti Rekonstrukcije.

Činjenica #6: Uslove predaje sastavio je Indijanac.

Službene kopije uslova predaje koje su potpisali Lee i Grant izradio je Grantov lični vojni sekretar, potpukovnik Ely S. Parker. Parker je bio indijanski poglavica Seneca iz New Yorka koji je studirao pravo. S Grantom se sprijateljio nakon meksičko-američkog rata, a Grant mu je osigurao oficirsku komisiju. Otpratio je Granta do kuće McLean 9. aprila i svjedočio predaji. Parker će se na kraju popeti na čin brigadnog generala.

Činjenica #7: Wilmer McLean preselio se u sudsku kuću Appomattox kako bi izbjegao rat.

U ljeto 1861. Wilmer McLean i njegova porodica živjeli su u Manassasu u Virdžiniji. Njegova kuća bila je na periferiji ratišta, a koristila se kao general P.G.T. Beauregardovo sjedište. Nakon bitke, McLean je počeo prodavati šećer vojsci Konfederacije i preselio se u sudnicu Appomattoxa gdje je vjerovao da će moći izbjeći borbe i okupaciju Unije, što je omelo njegov rad. Nakon rata, McLean bi slavno primijetio da je "rat počeo u mom dvorištu, a završio u mom prednjem salonu."

Činjenica #8: Sindikalne trupe pozdravile su svoje bivše neprijatelje na ceremoniji predaje.

Predaja je bila vrlo emotivna stvar za učesnike, od kojih su se mnogi borili četiri godine. Vojnici s obje strane klicali su i plakali - često u isto vrijeme - nakon što su čuli vijesti.

Svečana ceremonija i prikupljanje oružja održana je 12. aprila pod nadzorom Briga. General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. Dok su redovi vojnika Konfederacije izlazili da predaju oružje i zastave, Chamberlain je naredio svojim ljudima da pozdrave svoje poražene protivnike kao gest poštovanja. Drugi svjedoci su također izvijestili da su interakcije između Jenkija i pobunjenika bile gotovo u potpunosti ljubazne i prijateljske.

Činjenica #9: Ugovorom o predaji u Appomattoxu nije okončan rat.

Nakon Leejeve predaje, vojska Tennesseeja ostala je na terenu više od dvije sedmice, sve dok Johnston konačno nije predao vojsku i brojne manje garnizone general -majoru Williamu T. Shermanu 26. aprila. Johnstonova predaja bila je najveća u ratu, ukupno skoro 90.000 ljudi.

Posljednja bitka građanskog rata odigrala se od 11. do 12. maja na ranču Palmito u Teksasu. Posljednju veliku vojnu snagu Konfederacije predao je 2. juna general Edmund Kirby Smith u Galvestonu u Teksasu, a razbijena zemlja počela je skupljati komade iz višegodišnjih borbi.

Činjenica #10: Nakon predaje, mnogi već istorijski artefakti su uzeti ili uništeni od strane vojnika koji traže suvenire.

Nakon što je Lee 9. aprila napustio McLean House, neki od prisutnih službenika Sindikata odmah su kupili veliki dio namještaja u McLeanovom salonu. Taj fenomen nije bio ograničen samo na više nivoe - vojnici svih činova iz obje vojske pokušali su sa sobom ponijeti dio svog iskustva. Sjevernjaci su od pobunjenika kupovali konfederacijske dolare, a vojnici su kidali svoje pukovske zastave kao suvenire.

Nakon što su čuli neutemeljenu glasinu da se Lee susreo s Grantom ispod drveta kako bi se predao, vojnici su isjekli cijelo drvo radi suvenira. Kongresna biblioteka

Od devetnaestog stoljeća uloženi su više napori da se sačuva istorija sudske kuće Appomattox kako bi je svi mogli doživjeti. Nacionalni historijski park Sudska kuća Appomattox nastao je 1940. godine i obuhvaća oko 1700 hektara, uključujući dio zemlje na bojnom polju, Sudnicu, Leejevo sjedište i rekonstruiranu McLean kuću (kojoj još nedostaje veliki dio originalnog namještaja, koji je razasut po cijelom svijetu). zemlja). American Battlefield Trust je sačuvao dodatne površine koje uključuju tlo korišteno tokom Griffinovog protunapada i zemljište na kojem se nalazi Bvt. Konjička divizija general -majora Georgea Armstronga Custera provjerila je napredovanje niz put LeGrand od strane pripadnika Briga. Konjička brigada generala Martina Garyja.


Sadržaj

Originalna "stara" zgrada suda u Appomattoxu bila je prvo sjedište okruga Appomattox u Virdžiniji. Izgrađena je 1846. godine, godinu dana nakon osnivanja okruga Appomattox, na tada poznatom pod imenom Clover Hill, Virginia. To je bila druga javna državna struktura izgrađena nakon formiranja okruga Appomattox. Bilo je to u središtu sela na velikoj zelenoj parceli okruženoj cestom Richmond-Lynchburg. [4] Prva zgrada izgrađena nakon što je županija postala službena bio je originalni drveni županijski zatvor izgrađen 1845. Originalna zgrada suda izgrađena je preko puta konobe Clover Hill 1846. Ova originalna zgrada suda izgorjela je 1892. Druga zgrada suda izgrađena je 1892. godine, što je blizu lokacije stanice Appomattox u gradu Appomattox, Virginia. [5]

Rekonstruisana "stara" sudska zgrada Appomattox sada je centar za posjetioce Nacionalnog istorijskog parka Appomattox Court House. Na prvom katu je informacijski pult. Na drugom katu su muzej i gledalište. Interpretacijski video prikazuje događaje predaje Konfederacijske vojske Sjeverne Virdžinije generala Leea general -potpukovniku Grantu. Izloženo je oružje iz građanskog rata, kao i mnoge fotografije vezane za taj događaj. [6] "Stara" zgrada suda u Appomattoxu rekonstruirana je 1963. i 1964. godine kao centar za posjetitelje parka i informativni pult za službu Nacionalnog parka. [7]

Prvobitna županijska "sudska kuća" nije igrala nikakvu ulogu u predaji generala Roberta E. Leea generalu Ulyssesu S. Grantu, jer je bila Cvjetnica i sud je tog dana bio zatvoren. Do stvarne predaje je došlo u McLean Houseu. Služba Nacionalnog parka navodi da je zgrada suda u Appomattoxu od izuzetne važnosti zbog povezanosti sa lokacijom. Od vitalnog je značaja pod određenim kriterijima Službe za nacionalne parkove i zahvaljujući stvaranju Nacionalnog povijesnog parka Sudske kuće Appomattox prema saveznom zakonu. Predstavlja učešće savezne vlade u očuvanju i obilježavanju historijski značajnih događaja povezanih sa završetkom Američkog građanskog rata. [3]

Rekonstruisana stara dvorska zgrada Appomattox je dvospratna građevna opeka od opeke sa povišenim glavnim ulazom na drugom spratu. Na istočnoj i zapadnoj verandi nalazi se druga priča. Zgrada ima nove stupove i balustre. Ulazna vrata sa četiri panela na glavnom nivou okružena su 12/12 dvostrukim visećim prozorima. Veličina građevine je 50 metara (15 m) širine i 40 stopa (12 m) dubine. Ima tri uvale sa četverovodnim krovom sa ravnim šavom sa drvenim rešetkama. [7]

Obnovljeno zdanje ima prvi kat popločan opekom, ispod drugog kata trijem sa četverovodnim krovom sa stepenicama od lijevanog kamena od opeke i ogradama od lijevanog željeza. Donji nivo ima sličan raspored sa manjim vratima sa četiri panela okružena 8/8 dvostrukim visećim prozorima. Završna uzvišenja imaju dva unutrašnja dimnjaka okružena 8/8 dvostrukim visećim prozorima na prvom spratu sa tri prozora sa 8/8 dvostrukim visećim prozorima na drugom nivou. U sredini se nalazi treći prozor krila. Svi prozori "dvorske kuće" imaju rolete. [8]


Appomattox, posljednja kampanja u građanskom ratu, počinje

Dana 29. marta 1865. godine u Virdžiniji počinje posljednja kampanja građanskog rata kada se trupe Unije pod generalom Ulyssesom S. Grantom kreću protiv rovova Konfederacije oko Petersburga. Pobunjenici generala Roberta E. Leeja nadmašeni su ubrzo bili prisiljeni napustiti grad i započeti očajničku utrku na zapad.

Jedanaest mjeseci ranije, Grant je premjestio svoju vojsku preko rijeke Rapidan u sjevernoj Virdžiniji i započeo najkrvaviju ratnu kampanju. Šest tjedana Lee i Grant borili su se duž luka koji se zamahnuo istočno od glavnog grada Konfederacije u Richmondu. Učestvovali su u nekim od najkrvavijih sukoba u Wildernessu, Spotsylvaniji i Cold Harboru prije nego što su se naselili u rovove radi opsade Peterburga, 25 milja južno od Richmonda. Rovovi su se na kraju prostirali sve do Richmonda, a tokom narednih mjeseci vojske su se međusobno užarele po ničijoj zemlji. Povremeno je Grant napadao dijelove odbrambenih snaga pobunjenika, ali su ih Leejevi ljudi uspjeli odbraniti.

Ipak, Leeju je vrijeme isticalo. Njegova vojska se smanjivala na oko 55.000, dok je Grant nastavio rasti —Vojska Potomaca sada je imala više od 125.000 ljudi spremnih za službu. 25. marta Lee je pokušao razbiti linije Unije kada je napao Fort Stedman, uporište uz rovove Yankee. Njegova vojska je uzvraćena i izgubio je gotovo 5.000 ljudi. Grant je 29. marta preuzeo inicijativu, poslavši 12.000 ljudi pored lijevog krila Konfederacije i zaprijetivši da će preseći Leejevu rutu za bijeg iz Peterburga. Tu su počele borbe, nekoliko milja jugozapadno od grada. Leejevi ljudi nisu mogli uhititi savezničko napredovanje. 1. aprila Jenkiji su napali Five Forks, čvrsto pobijedivši pobunjenike i ne ostavljajući Leeju alternativu. Izvukao je svoje snage iz njihovih rovova i potrčao na zapad, a za njim i Grant. Bila je to utrka koju čak ni veliki Lee nije mogao pobijediti. Predao je svoju vojsku 9. aprila 1865. godine u sudu u Appomattoxu.


Članci s bitkom za sudsku kuću Appomattox iz History Net Magazines

Niko sa sigurnošću ne zna kako je mit rođen. Ali nitko ne može poreći da je bio trajno privlačan i sporo umirao. Kao što bi Ulysses S. Grant rekao godinama kasnije, i poput mnogih drugih priča, bilo bi jako dobro da je to samo istina.

Legenda je glasila da se 9. aprila 1865. godine general Konfederacije Robert E. Lee predao general -potpukovniku Grantu, ne unutar McLean Housea u Appomattox Court House, Va., Već na otvorenom, u voćnjaku jabuka negdje izvan sela. Bila je to romantična priča koja je dočarala sliku suparničkih zapovjednika na konju koji svečano slažu ruke prije suprotstavljanja linija plave i sive boje. Takođe je bila potpuno lažna.

Ipak, sredinom 1860-ih priča o predaji voćnjaka jabuka neprestano se predstavljala, šareno ilustrirala i naširoko distribuirala prihvaćenoj javnosti od strane najmaštovitijih dostavljača popularne kulture: izdavača popularnih grafika. Graverima i litografima Amerike pripada sumnjiva čast što je ovjekovječio mit oživljujući ga u rijetko zapamćenom masovnom otisku za američke salone, taverne i klubove.

U godinama prije pojave filmova, radija i TV -a, izdavači slika imali su značajnu moć, koja je obojila percepciju javnosti o događajima tog doba. Ilustracije su krivotvorile slike vijesti i kreatora vijesti, bilo da su realno prikazane ili ne, u kolektivnu svijest nacionalne publike. Tako je bilo i s pričom o Appomattoxu.

Ali kako je započela priča o predaji voćnjaka jabuka? Kao što je Grant priznao, to je bila jedna od onih malih fikcija zasnovanih na blagom temelju činjenica. I to je pojačano usputnim, ali zapaženim nastavkom historijske predaje.

Kako su kasnije ispričali pisci memoara s obje strane građanskog rata, snage Konfederacije zapravo su zauzele padinu koja je obuhvatila šumarak jabuka 9. aprila 1865. Grant je u svojim memoarima ispričao kako je zemljani put dijagonalno vodio uz to brdo i kako mnogi vagoni za opskrbu pobunjenika prošli su stazu koju su njihovi kotači presjekli kroz izbočeno korijenje stabla jabuke, stvarajući improvizirani nasip duž opskrbne rute. Grantu je rečeno da je upravo na ovom nasipu njegov kolega iz Konfederacije sjedio leđima naslonjen na stablo jabuke, kada je konačno odlučio da je došlo vrijeme za predaju vojske Sjeverne Virdžinije.

Union Brevet Brig. General Horace Porter prisjetio se slične scene. Porter je napisao da je Lee ležao kraj ceste na pokrivaču koji je bio razapet preko nekoliko ograda na zemlji ispod stabla jabuke, koja je bila dio voćnjaka.

Nije iznenađujuće što su pisci Konfederacije odlučili predstaviti aktivnijeg Leeja: ne slomljenog čovjeka koji leži na zemlji, prihvaćajući neizbježno, već masu energije i odlučnosti, odupirući se silnim silama sve dok nije mudro shvatio uzaludnost borbe. Pukovnik William W. Blackford, koji je bio pomoćnik general -majora Konfederacije J.E.B. Stuart je do opće smrti#8217 -te u svibnju 1864. bio prisutan u Appomattoxu. Prisjetio se voćnjaka jabuka koji je čuvao red stražara, gdje se Lee mogao pronaći na dan predaje koračajući unatrag i naprijed … izgledajući kao lav u kavezu.

Sjećanje Blackforda bilo je na Leeja prilično različitog od idealiziranog lika koji je kasnije ovjekovječen u popularnim grafikama i književnosti. Svakako, general je bio oličenje svega veličanstvenog i plemenitog u čovjeku u njegovoj uniformi, sa mačem i pojasom. Ali i on je bio u jednom od svojih divljačkih raspoloženja, sjetio se Blackford, a kad je to raspoloženje bilo na njemu, bilo mu je sigurnije držati se podalje. Lee je tog dana bio sve samo ne često prikazivan stoički, dostojanstveni zapovjednik, koji je zbog svoje galantnosti u porazu bio još dostojanstveniji.

Lee je imao dobar razlog za isparavanje, prema riječima njegovog pomoćnika, pukovnika Charlesa Marshalla. Dana 8. aprila, napisao je Marshall, Lee je predložio sastanak s Grantom na staroj sceni za Richmond, između redova dvije vojske, kako bi razgovarali o predaji, već o miru. Grant nije odgovorio na poziv, ali sljedećeg jutra Lee i dva njegova oficira jahali su pod zastavom primirja prema navedenom sastanku. Ljudi su u posljednjim satima Konfederacije razveselili generala Lee za odjek, sjetio se pukovnik Marshall, kao što su ga i ranije bodrili. Odmahnuo je rukom kako bi potisnuo navijanje, jer se bojao da bi zvuk mogao privući bijes neprijatelja, pa smo odjahali dalje.

Na Leejevo razočaranje, Grant se nikada nije pojavio. Umjesto toga, službenik Sindikata dostavio je poruku koju je Grant napisao Leeju. Grant nije imao ovlaštenja da raspravlja o temi mira, samo se predao. Marshall je pročitao pismo Leeju, a nakon nekoliko trenutaka i razmišljanja, zapovjednik Konfederacije donio je svoju najtežu odluku. Pa, napišite pismo generalu Grantu, rekao je Marshall -u, i zamolite ga da se nađemo kako bismo se pozabavili pitanjem predaje moje vojske.

Iako je Grant odbio da se sastane sa Leejem ujutro 9. aprila, barem je jedan grafičar ovjekovječio događaj-koji-nikada nije bio-velikom litografijom Sastanak generala Granta i Leeja pripremljenog za predaju generala Leeja. Gotovo godinu dana će proći između dana predaje i objavljivanja štampe. Ali za umetnika P.S. Duval iz Philadelphije i njegov izdavač, Joseph Hoover (obojica iskusni profesionalci koji su do tada zasigurno znali bolje), dramatična privlačnost vožnje starom cestom morala se činiti neodoljivom.

Ono što se dogodilo nakon što je Lee poslao svoju poruku Grantu potvrdili su memoari sa sjevera i juga. Najbolji izvještaj je vjerojatno onaj o Marshallu, koji je poslan u Appomattox da pronađe mjesto prikladno za predaju. Tamo je naišao na Wilmera McLeana, čovjeka koji je živio na prvom bojnom polju Manassas, u kući oko milje od čvora Manassas. Nije mu se sviđao rat, a nakon što je vidio prvu bitku kod Manassasa, mislio je da će pobjeći tamo gdje više neće biti borbi.

Na kraju, čovjek koji nije volio rat pružio je mjesto za završetak ne#8212 kako je prvo rekao, u obližnjoj kući za koju je Marshall mislio da je sva trošna, već u svojoj vrlo udobnoj kući. U roku od nekoliko minuta, u McLean salonu veličine 20 x 16 stopa, Robert E. Lee predao je svoju vojsku Ulyssesu S. Grantu.

Lee je stigao prvi, gledajući u jednog promatrača prilično ćelavog i s jednim od bočnih pramena kose koji mu je prebačen preko gornjeg dijela čela, bijelog i svijetlog poput žene ’. Ipak, svom pomoćniku Armisteadu L. Longu, čak i pobijeđenom, Lee je ipak bio pobjednik ….Iz gomile teškoća činilo se da se njegova hrabrost proširila …njegovo prisustvo nadahnulo je slabe i umorne s obnovljenom energijom ….Oni koji su mu gledali lice da bi bacio pogled na ono što mu je prolazilo u mislima, ne bi moglo prikupiti otuda ni traga njegovim unutarnjim osjećajima.

Njegova slika jasno se ističe ispred mene, napisao je Long godinama kasnije. Odmah nakon što je potpisao dokumente o predaji i izašao iz McLean Housea, Lee se odjednom učinio Long starijim, sijedim, tišim i suzdržanijim i#vrlo umornim. Ali on ne bi bio tako prikazan.

Sjeverni grafičari bili su jedini takvi majstori koji su proizvodili scene predaje Appomattoxa. Proizveli su i većinu portreta Leeja, general -potpukovnika Konfederacije Thomas J. Stonewall Jacksona i predsjednika Konfederacije Jeffersona Davisa u poslijeratno doba. Ali oni nisu bili agresivni istraživači. Mnogi nisu dalje tražili savremene opise Leejevog pojavljivanja u Appomattoxu nego izvještaj New York Heralda od#. 8230. Tokom cijelog intervjua bio je penzionisan i dostojanstven do granice koja se graničila sa prećutkivanjem, ali je bio oslobođen bilo kakvog izlaganja ćudi ili mrcvarenja. Njegovo je ponašanje bilo opsesivno raspoloženog gospodina koji je imao vrlo neugodnu dužnost da izvrši, ali je bio odlučan proći i to što je prije moguće.

Grant, koji je stigao nakon Leeja, pogledao je jednog svjedoka kao da mu je bilo dosta loše. Došao je obučen u vreću i široku bluzu od umora. U oštrom kontrastu sa Leejevom veličanstvenom novom uniformom u punoj haljini, Grant nije nosio bočne ruke: Lee je nosio svoj veličanstveni ceremonijalni mač sa zlatnom drškom. Grant se doimao pomalo prašnjavim i pomalo zaprljanim. Lee je bio besprijekoran i veličanstven, sada i zauvijek savršen vitez legende, odišeći galantnošću u porazu. Jednostavna istina bila je da se Grant obukao u ono što je nazvao grubo putničko odijelo, uniformu privatnika s prugama general-potpukovnika, jer njegova zaliha elegantnih uniformi još nije stigla u njegovo sjedište. Ovaj ironični kontrast između jednostavnosti pobjednika i veličine pobjeđenog bit će naglašeno odražen u mnogim otiscima Appomattoxa i prerastao će u legendu u američkoj povijesti.

Događaji u salonu McLean bili su formalni i neemocionalni. Nakon nekog razgovora, Lee je zatražio od Granta da svoje uvjete predaje napiše u pisanoj formi. Grantov pomoćnik, pukovnik Ely S. Parker, donio je mali stol iz jednog ugla sobe, a Grant je sjeo i ispisao uslove predaje na terenskom papiru, koji je napravio kopiju kako je original napisan. Kad je završio, Grant je ustao i odnio nacrt Leeu, koji je ostao sjediti na drugom mjestu u salonu. Lee je ponudio neke komentare, uključujući svoj dobro poznati apel da se njegovim vojnicima dozvoli da zadrže konje, zahtjev na koji je Grant odmah pristao. Grant je tada zatražio od pukovnika Parkera da ponovo kopira uslove predaje. Parker je otišao do stola u krajnji ugao sobe i počeo prepisivati ​​službeni dokument, dok je Grant sjeo na drugo mjesto i, poput Lee, strpljivo čekao. Ostali oficiri u prostoriji, uključujući Marshalla i general -majora sindikata Philipa Sheridana, razmijenili su ljubaznosti dok su čekali.

Kad je Parker završio s prepisivanjem, pukovnik Marshall sjeo je na mjesto da zapiše Leejev odgovor. General je upozorio svog pomoćnika da ne započne odgovor na uobičajen način. Čast mi je potvrditi primitak …. Nemojte ’ ne govoriti: `Imam čast ', rekao je Lee. Samo recite: `Prihvatam ove uslove. ’

Konačno, papire za predaju potpisala su oba generala, a njihovi pomoćnici su im uručili zasebne kopije, a zatim ih razmijenili kako bi svaki komandant mogao potpisati dvije. Nakon još nekoliko trenutaka razgovora, tijekom kojih je Grant konačno objasnio zašto nosi terensku uniformu koja se ne može mjeriti s njegovim suparnikom, Lee je napustio McLean House.

Takva je bila istorija predaje vojske Roberta E. Leeja#8217. Maršal je primijetio da o tome nije bilo kazališnih predstava. To je samo po sebi možda bila najveća tragedija koja se ikada dogodila u povijesti svijeta, ali je bila najjednostavnija, najjednostavnija i potpuno bez ikakvog pokušaja učinka, koju možete zamisliti.

Ali Marshall nije shvatio šta bi mogli zamisliti američki grafičari. Osim toga, priča zapravo nije završila. Trebalo je postojati dramatična koda koja bi dodala još jedan sloj zabune u priču o predaji.

Legenda o legendi (i popularne ilustracije) već je nastala u vrijeme kada su se generali vratili s pravog mjesta ceremonije predaje. Cijelim svojim putem, njegove odane, suzne trupe, generale su ga pozdravljali uzvicima koliko vas volim, generale. Iako je uistinu bio fin i plemenit čovjek, Lee je postao još više: galantni kavalir koji je hrabro vodio rat koji nije tražio i koji se predao svom milošću džentlmena, iako se povjerio, radije će umrijeti hiljadu smrti nego učiniti.

Dan nakon predaje, izjavio je Grant, želio bih ponovno vidjeti generala Leeja. Ovaj put su se ipak sreli na konjima, čavrljajući pola sata u blizini starog štaba Konfederacije, dok su štabni oficiri lebdjeli u blizini. Bio je to slučajan susret, antiklimatična fusnota na istorijski dan koji mu je prethodio. No čini se da su priče o ovom drugom susretu potaknule dugotrajno uvjerenje da se Lee zapravo predao u takvom okruženju.

Da su grafičari brže isporučili Appomattox scene, legenda možda nikada ne bi narasla. Samo su dva grafičara izdala scene Appomattoxa 1865. godine, a oba su pogriješila, ako su uopće pogriješila, na strani podcjenjivanja. Većina prikaza je odgođena do 1866. ili 1867. Tako da ostaje jedna od velikih misterija ikonografije građanskog rata zašto se takav događaj vrijedan vijesti nije prikazao brže. Možda je bilo potrebno vrijeme da se strasti smire, i da Sjever zatraži Leejevu kaznu da se smiri. Možda je prošlo nekoliko mjeseci prije nego što se bilo koji sjevernjački graver ili litograf mogao osjećati sigurno predstavljajući bivšeg neprijatelja Roberta E. Leeja, čak i u porazu.

Južnjački grafičari nisu dali Appomattox scene. Rat ih je skoro uništio, istjerao iz posla zbog hronične nestašice papira i mastila ili su primorani da se usredsrede na službeni posao, poput poštanskih marki i valute Konfederacije. Do završetka rata, južnjačka štamparska industrija bila je, za sve namjere i namjene, uspomena. Čak i da je to preživjelo, gorka sjećanja na predaju Leeja i scene Appomattoxa ne bi se svidjela njegovim klijentima.

Sjeverni grafičari, kojima je četiri godine bio zabranjen pristup južnoj publici, postupno su počeli isporučivati ​​slike Izgubljene stvari koje nikada nisu mogle biti proizvedene dok je uzrok živ. Tokom kasnih 1860 -ih i tokom svih#821770 -ih i 821780 -ih, portrete glavnih junaka iskustva Konfederacije#8212 Lee, Jackson i Davis — objavljivali bi muškarci u New Yorku, Philadelphiji, Bostonu i Chicagu , ljudi koji su samo nekoliko godina ranije bili neprijatelji juga.

Pojava ovih portreta i prvih gravura i litografija Leejeve predaje označili su početak sjevernih nastojanja da se slika Konfederacije prikaže radi zarade. No, zajedno s mogućnostima za profit došao je i izazov. Činilo se da je teško plasirati tačne otiske predaje koja je bila tako jednostavna i postavljena u tako zemaljsko okruženje. Većina je riješila ovu dilemu pružajući zamišljene scene navodne mirovne konferencije u voćnjaku jabuka.

Među češćim slikama mirovnih konferencija u voćnjacima jedna od najtipičnijih je dramatično naslovljen Kapitulacija i predaja Roba. E. Lee & amp Njegova vojska u Appomattoxu. Suzdržaniji napori opisani su kao scene sastanka Granta i Leeja, ali njihova implicitna poruka je ista: Namjera im je da sugeriraju stvarnu predaju.

Lee se zapravo vratio u voćnjak nakon što je potpisao mirovne uslove, te je ostatak popodneva stajao ispod stabla jabuke gledajući posjetitelje. Nakon što su vojnici otišli, sjetio se pukovnik Blackford, drvo koje je stajao general Lee odnijeli su lovci na relikvije. Ali štampana publika nije imala razloga za zabrinutost zbog ovog vandalizma. Mjesecima kasnije, legendarno drvo pojavilo bi se i ponovo pojavilo u navodnim ponovnim stvaranjima scene koja se nikada nije dogodila.

U litografiji Jamesa Queena#8217 iz 1866. godine Lee je prikazan kako čita uvjete predaje ispod sveprisutnog stabla jabuke, dok Grant grandiozno pokazuje suparničkoj vojsci koja se utaborila u daljini. Portreti generala su odlični, a postavka je čisti izum.

Još jedan napor, koji je napravio Philadelphia ’s Joseph Hoover, čini Leeja gotovo željnim predaje, posežući za uslovima u Grantovoj ruci. Ponovno je scena na otvorenom, a da dodamo mitiziranje, i Lee i Grant su prikazani u sjajnim elegantnim uniformama, Grant nosi mač, nešto što je rijetko gdje radio. Još jedno tumačenje na otvorenom sugerira da se predaja dogodila zimi, greška koja je nastala možda iz neznanja, možda da naglasi teškoće koje su vojnici pretrpjeli. Dva druga otiska, jedan vjerovatno prepisan iz drugog, tvrde da je Grant predao uslove predaje Leeju.

Ali nijedan popularan otisak predaje jabuka nije preuveličao tako grandiozno kao litografija Kurz & amp Allison ’s Kapitulacija i predaja roba. E. Lee & amp Njegova vojska. The symbolic scene shows both Union and Confederate armies crowded into the orchard, actually meeting en masse for the surrender. Stereotypically tattered and wounded Confederates on one side of the scene are contrasted with hearty-looking Union troops behind Grant. To add to the absurdity of the picture, Lee is shown publicly surrendering his sword to Grant. Grant later characterized the much talked of surrender of Lee’s sword and my handing it back as the purest romance. To printmakers such as Chicago’s audience-wise Louis Kurz, though, truth was not the test of a good picture sales appeal was.

Currier & Ives’ two straightforward Appomattox lithographs were exceptions. But the work of these celebrated New York printmakers was not devoid of inaccuracy. Both their 1865 and 1873 prints depict Grant and Lee sharing a single table, though they did not do so. And the scenes suggest, by showing Lee’s sword on the table, that he surrendered it.

The only evidence that any printmaker completely understood the chronology of events that unfolded at and near Appomattox Court House on April 9 and 10, 1865, comes in a rare lithograph by one-time Currier & Ives artist Louis Maurer. It shows Grant and Lee meeting outdoors on horseback, but declares in its caption that the encounter occurred the day after surrender. Maruer modeled the print on a beautiful watercolor by Otto Boetticher, a Prussian-born Union soldier and military artist. Maurer’s adaptation remains one of the least-known but best-realized Appomattox prints. It portrays the two great adversaries planning for peace as grandly as they had waged a war.

Other painters attempted depictions of the surrender itself, with decidedly mixed results. Alonzo Chappel’s Surrender of General Lee was engraved for a book by Johnson & Fry of New York in 1865, but it misrepresents the McLean parlor as little more than a barracks. A much later Chappel painting became the model for The Surrender of General Lee, adapted for W.K. Steele of New York and featuring an accurate depiction of the room’s furnishings. The print proved popular enough to inspire a copy, but such a poor one that A. Lauder’s print of Mir seems more a parody than a piracy.

About the same time, a Mrs. M.F. Cocheu produced a design that pictures the opening and closing events of the war as Alpha (the attack on Fort Sumter) and Omega (Lee’s surrender). But in her ludicrous vision of the surrender, Lee, wearing a plumed hat, stands beneath an apple tree next to a rail fence, in full view of a wooden cabin Grant appears to be smoking a cigar.

It is no wonder that some printmakers eschewed interpretive choices altogether. W. Webber’s Appomattox print for J.H. Bufford, for example, celebrated the village of Appomattox Court House, not the event, while another printmaker made the centerpiece of his design a map of the area, adding no portraiture at all.

Of course, there were printmakers who succeeded in dealing seriously and inventively with the surrender and its immediate impact on Southern troops. Both Burk & McFettridge of Philadelphia and Charles H. Walker of Washington, D.C., issued prints immortalizing the simple farewell address Lee gave to his troops the day after his meeting with Grant in the McLean House. The Burk & McFettridge print, issued in 1883, features a wreathed portrait of Lee, flanked by a symbolic handshake sealing the reunification. Walker’s more ambitious lithograph, issued 10 years later, included portraits of Lee in uniform astride his famous horse, Traveller, and in civilian clothes, along with a beautifully realized central scene of Lee surrounded by his loyal troops, as he returns tearfully to camp after the surrender.

Perhaps no print attempted more ambitiously to portray the surrender in its proper location, and with as many of its central characters as possible, than Major & Knapp’s 1867 lithograph of The Room in the McLean House, at Appomattox C.H., in which GEN. LEE Surrendered to GEN. GRANT. Commissioned as a fundraising device by Wilmer McLean, the print contains portraits of the personalities meticulously copied from period photographs. The portrayal of Lee and two aides is modeled after a photograph for which the general had reluctantly posed on the back porch of his Richmond house a week after the surrender.

The Major & Knapp original slightly exaggerates the size of McLean’s parlor, probably to accommodate figures of generals such as George Armstrong Custer, Philip Sheridan and George Gordon Meade. Its most glaring error is its identification of the man writing out the surrender terms as General Wesley Merritt instead of Colonel Ely Parker. Overall, though, save for the symbolic inclusion of so many military personalities, the print is perhaps the finest of all interpretations of the solemn moments during which Lee and Grant waited while the instruments of surrender were finalized.

Having McLean directly involved (he copyrighted the lithograph) undoubtedly contributed to the print’s truthfulness. But the unfortunate man who had fled Manassas to avoid the dangers of war ironically found himself ruined by peace. Union officers had all but plundered his parlor after Grant and Lee left. Tables and chairs were carried off and pictures removed from the walls, with small sums of money thrown at their owner by the souvenir hunters.

McLean hoped to regain some of his losses through sales of the Major & Knapp print. But despite the picture’s high quality, it apparently failed to earn McLean the fortune he had anticipated. Within a few years he abandoned his Appomattox home, and by the end of the century it had crumbled into ruins. It would not be reconstructed until after World War II.

The surrender did Wilmer McLean little good, but it did wonders for Robert E. Lee. Nothing Lee did in the field would inspire as many prints as his surrender. Remarkably, the same was true of Ulysses S. Grant. But it was Lee who may have gained the most from the prints’ proliferation after the war. Appomattox prints helped elevate his image and make it palatable to both the South and the North. The mere fact that he had given up the rebellion at Appomattox helped to cleanse Lee in the North, where all print production would originate, encouraging his depiction with all the dignity eyewitnesses ascribed to him.

Thus, even though Appomattox prints were really Grant prints intended for jubilant Northerners, Lee’s inclusion in the scenes put him on equal footing with the victor, perhaps because there could be little glory for Grant unless it could be shown that he had defeated a worthy foe. But this is not to underestimate the Appomattox prints’ impact on Grant, for he was their true hero, Lee only their implied one. And Appomattox prints may well have helped Grant win election to the presidency in 1868. They did, however, help Lee become an American again, and in time an American hero.

Intentionally or not, these popular graphics for the family parlor also helped elevate Lee to a status shared by no other figure of the Confederacy: a living symbol of reconciliation. By depicting him unbowed before Grant, printmakers demonstrated that reunion could be accomplished without subjugation. Appomattox prints showed Lee in surrender but not in humiliation, and thus made Lee an icon of peace, not defeat.

As one of his field commanders would ask in a Lee eulogy delivered five years later, What man could have laid down his sword at the feet of a victorious general with greater dignity than he did at Appomattox? Even Northern historian Charles Francis Adams Jr. would term the surrender the most creditable episode in American history — an episode without blemish — imposing, dignified, simple, heroic. So it would always seem in Appomattox prints, even the most fanciful among them.

Appomattox prints took a potentially humiliating event in Robert E. Lee’s life and transformed it into something of a triumph. Perhaps Grant himself sensed this, for the man the prints were supposed to celebrate disapproved of the entire genre. When a committee of Congress approached him soon after the war to propose a painting of the surrender for the Capitol Rotunda, Grant refused. He said he would never play a role in producing a picture commemorating a victory in which his own countrymen had been vanquished.

In a way, Appomattox scenes pleased neither the conquered nor the conquering heroes. But they certainly pleased the people.

This article was written by Harold Holzer, Gabor S.Boritt and Mark E. Neely Jr. and originally published in the Janurary 2006 issue of Građanski rat Magazine.

Za još sjajnih članaka svakako se pretplatite Građanski rat magazine today!


Appomattox Court House, Virginia

In early 1865, the Union Army began marching through the state of Virginia, pushing back the Confederate forces. In hopes of uniting with more Confederate troops in North Carolina, General Robert E. Lee and the Confederate Army abandoned the capital of Richmond and retreated. However, the Union Army soon cut off their retreat and they were forced to stop at Appomattox, Virginia. General Grant and the Union Army had the Confederates surrounded. The Confederates were low on supplies, many soldiers were deserting, and they were greatly outnumbered. Upon looking at the conditions and the odds, General Lee felt he had no choice but to surrender.

Wilburn McClean and his family sitting on the front steps of their home located in Appomattox Court House, Virginia.

The McClean family home as it looks today.

In summer 1861, Wilmer McLean and his family lived in Manassas, Virginia. His house was on the outskirts of the battlefield, and was used as Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard’s headquarters. After the battle, McLean began selling sugar to the Confederate Army, and moved to Appomattox Court House where he believed he would be able to avoid the fighting and the Union occupation, which impeded his work. After the war, McLean would famously observe that “The war began in my front yard and ended in my front parlor.”

Union soldiers assembled and waiting for the surrender of Robert E. Lee. The courthouse (of Appomattox Courthouse) is in the back of the photo.

Closeup of soldiers and how rifles were stacked when not needed.

© 2018-2021 Education Department of The History Museum, South Bend, Indiana.


Appomattox Court House National Historical Park

Appomattox Court House National Historical Park sits atop one of the most important historical sites in American history. Here on April 9, 1865 General Robert E. Lee of the Army of Northern Virginia surrendered his men to Ulysses S. Grant, General-in-Chief of all United States Forces, signaling the beginning of the end of the Civil War. The National Park Service has rebuilt the town to look much like it did in 1865 and has developed an extensive interpretive program highlighting the lifestyles of the families living in the village at that time.

In addition to the historical village, the park supports over one thousand acres of woodlands and open meadows surrounding the village. It was in these fields and hills that the respective armies had their headquarters and camped while awaiting the negotiated terms of the Confederates’ surrender and their eventual release home. When standing at the village and scanning the surrounding hilltops, it’s almost possible to travel back to the time when this area was covered with tens of thousands of battle-weary troops.

Wildlife and tree cover in the area has since increased. Walk through each headquarter’s camp or along the banks of the Appomattox River and search for red-bellied, downy and hairy woodpeckers wherever you hear tapping. This could also lead to white-breasted nuthatches amongst the more numerous tufted titmice and Carolina chickadees. During spring and fall the treetops support passing neotropical migrants, such as black-throated green and Blackburnian warblers, blue-headed vireos and numerous blue-gray gnatcatchers.

The open fields in the area, with the help of prescribed burning and replanting, are gradually being returned to their native grasses. Check the edges of these fields in the early morning or at dusk for white-tailed deer grazing on the young shoots and in winter, watch for northern harriers cruising for rodents. A walk through the fields could flush up a variety of sparrows including grasshopper, vesper, savannah and song sparrows. These same fields fill with numerous butterflies in spring and summer with stately monarchs and variegated fritillaries being the most numerous.


Appomattox Court House today

Appomattox County Court National Park now offers visitors a myriad of experiences and exhibits relating to the Confederate surrender. You can visit the Mclean House where the surrender took place as well as the Appomattox County Court Visitors Centre, which houses a number of exhibits relating to the event.

Visitors can also gain an understanding of the final battles of the Civil War by visiting the Appomattox Station and Court House. Living history experiences are conducted throughout the summer months and occasionally in the spring and winter, with actors recreating the famous surrender. You should allow at least three hours for your visit.


Articles Featuring Appomattox Court House Battle From History Net Magazines

No one knows for certain how the myth was born. But no one can deny that it was enduringly appealing and slow to die. As Ulysses S. Grant would put it years later, ‘like many other stories, it would be very good if it was only true.

The legend was that on April 9, 1865, Confederate General Robert E. Lee surrendered to Lt. Gen. Grant, not inside the McLean House in Appomattox Court House, Va., but outdoors, in an apple orchard somewhere outside the village. It was a romantic story, conjuring up a picture of rival commanders on horseback solemnly stacking their arms before opposing lines of blue and gray. It was also entirely false.

Nonetheless, throughout the mid-1860s the tale of the apple orchard surrender was repeatedly introduced, colorfully illustrated and widely distributed to an accepting public by the nation’s most imaginative purveyors of popular culture: the publishers of popular prints. To America’s engravers and lithographers falls the dubious honor of having perpetuated the myth by vivifying it in a seldom-remembered body of gaudy prints for American parlors, taverns and clubhouses.

In the years before the advent of motion pictures, radio and TV, picture publishers had considerable power, coloring public perception of the events of the day. Illustrations forged images of the news and the newsmakers — whether realistically depicted or not — into the collective consciousness of the national audience. So it was with the Appomattox story.

But how did the apple orchard surrender tale get started? As Grant conceded, it was one of those little fictions based on a slight foundation of fact. And it was reinforced by an incidental but much-noticed follow-up to the historic surrender.

As memoir writers on both sides of the Civil War would later recount, Confederate forces were actually occupying a hillside that embraced an apple grove on April 9, 1865. Grant related in his memoirs how a dirt road ran diagonally up that hillside, and how so many Rebel supply wagons had traveled the trail that their wheels had cut through the protruding roots of an apple tree, creating a makeshift embankment along the supply route. It was on this embankment, Grant was told, that his Confederate counterpart was sitting, his back against an apple tree, when he finally decided the time had come to surrender the Army of Northern Virginia.

Union Brevet Brig. Gen. Horace Porter recalled a similar scene. Porter wrote that Lee was lying down by the roadside on a blanket which had been spread over a few fence rails on the ground under an apple-tree, which was part of an orchard.

Not surprisingly, Confederate writers chose to present a more active Lee: not a broken man lying on the ground, accepting the inevitable, but a mass of energy and resolve, resisting overwhelming forces until he wisely perceived the futility of struggling on. Colonel William W. Blackford, who had been an aide to Confederate Maj. Gen. J.E.B. Stuart until the general’s death in May 1864, was present at Appomattox. He remembered an apple orchard guarded by a line of sentinels, where Lee could be found on surrender day pacing backwards and forwards…looking like a caged lion.

Blackford’s recollection was of a Lee quite unlike the idealized character later immortalized in popular prints and literature. To be sure, the general was the embodiment of all that was grand and noble in man in his full-dress uniform, complete with sword and sash. But he was also in one of his savage moods, Blackford remembered, and when these moods were on him, it was safer to keep out of his way. Lee that day was anything but the oft-portrayed stoic, dignified commander, made still more dignified by his gallantry in defeat.

Lee had good reason to fume, according to his aide, Colonel Charles Marshall. On April 8, wrote Marshall, Lee had proposed meeting Grant on the old stage road to Richmond, between the picket lines of the two armies, to discuss not surrender but peace. Grant made no reply to the invitation, but the next morning, Lee and two of his officers rode under a flag of truce toward the specified rendezvous. The men in the last hours of the Confederacy cheered General Lee to the echo, Colonel Marshall remembered, as they had cheered him many a time before. He waved his hand to suppress the cheering, because he was afraid the sound might attract the ire of the enemy, and we rode on through the line.

To Lee’s disappointment, Grant never showed up. Instead, a Union staff officer delivered a note Grant had written to Lee. Grant had no authority to discuss the subject of peace, it said, only surrender. Marshall read the letter to Lee, and after a few moments’ reflection, the Confederate commander made his most difficult decision. Well, write a letter to General Grant, he told Marshall, and ask him to meet me to deal with the question of the surrender of my army.

Even though Grant refused to meet Lee on the morning of April 9, at least one printmaker immortalized the event-that-never-was with a large lithograph of the Meeting of Generals Grant and Lee Prepatory to the Surrender of General Lee. Nearly a year would pass between surrender day and the publication of the print. But for artist P.S. Duval of Philadelphia and his publisher, Joseph Hoover (both experienced professionals who by then surely knew better), the dramatic appeal of the ride along the old stage road must have seemed irresistible.

What happened after Lee sent his message to Grant has been confirmed by memoirists of both North and South. The best account is probably that of Marshall, who was dispatched to Appomattox to find a place suitable for the surrender meeting. There, he encountered Wilmer McLean, a man…who used to live on the first battle field of Manassas, at a house about a mile from the Manassas Junction. He didn’t like the war, and having seen the first battle of Manassas, he thought he would get away where there wouldn’t be any more fighting.

In the end, the man who didn’t like the war provided the place to end it — not as he first suggested, at a nearby home that Marshall thought all dilapidated, but in his own very comfortable house. Within minutes, in the 20-by-16 1/2-foot McLean parlor, Robert E. Lee surrendered his army to Ulysses S. Grant.

Lee arrived first, looking to one observer quite bald and wearing one of the side locks of his hair thrown across the upper portion of his forehead, which is as white and as fair as a woman’s. Nonetheless, to his aide Armistead L. Long, even vanquished, Lee was yet a victor….Under the accumulation of difficulties his courage seemed to expand…his presence inspired the weak and weary with renewed energy….Those who watched his face to catch a glimpse of what was passing in his mind could gather thence no trace of his inner sentiments.

His image stands out clearly before me, Long wrote years later. Just after he had signed the surrender papers and emerged from the McLean House, Lee suddenly seemed to Long older, grayer, more quiet and reserved…very tired. But he would not be so portrayed.

Northern printmakers were the only such artisans to produce Appomattox surrender scenes. They also produced most of the portraits of Lee, Confederate Lt. Gen. Thomas J. Stonewall Jackson and Confederate President Jefferson Davis in the postwar era. But they were not aggressive researchers. Many searched no further for contemporary descriptions of Lee’s appearance at Appomattox than the New York Herald’s report of April 14: Lee looked very much jaded and worn, but nevertheless, presented the same magnificent physique for which he had always been noted….During the whole interview he was retired and dignified to a degree bordering on taciturnity, but was free from all exhibition of temper or mortification. His demeanor was that of a thoroughly possessed gentleman who had a very disagreeable duty to perform, but was determined to get through it as well and as soon as he could.

Grant, who arrived after Lee, looked to one witness as though he had had a pretty bad time. He came dressed in a sack coat and a loose fatigue blouse. In sharp contrast to Lee’s glorious new full-dress uniform, Grant wore no side arms: Lee wore his magnificent gold-handled ceremonial sword. Grant appeared somewhat dusty and a little soiled. Lee was impeccable and grand, now and forever the perfect knight of legend, exuding gallantry in defeat. The simple truth was that Grant had garbed himself in what he called a rough traveling suit, the uniform of a private with the stripes of a Lieutenant-General, because his own stock of fancy uniforms had not yet arrived at his headquarters. This ironic contrast between the simplicity of the victor and the grandeur of the vanquished would be pointedly reflected in many prints of Appomattox and would grow into a legend in American history.

The events inside the McLean parlor were formal and unemotional. After some conversation, Lee asked Grant to put his surrender terms in writing. Grant’s aide, Colonel Ely S. Parker, brought a small table from one corner of the room, and Grant sat down and wrote out the conditions of surrender on field note paper, which produced a copy as the original was written. When he finished, Grant rose and carried his draft to Lee, who remained seated elsewhere in the parlor. Lee offered some comments, including his well-known appeal that his soldiers be allowed to keep their horses, a request to which Grant consented immediately. Grant then asked Colonel Parker to recopy the terms of surrender. Parker took the desk to a far corner of the room and began to rewrite the official document while Grant took another seat and, like Lee, waited patiently. Other officers in the room, including Marshall and Union Maj. Gen. Philip Sheridan, exchanged pleasantries while they waited.

When Parker finished his transcription, Colonel Marshall took his seat to write out Lee’s reply. The general admonished his aide not to begin the answer in the customary way. I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt…. Don’t say, `I have the honor,’ said Lee. Just say, `I accept these terms.’

Finally the surrender papers were signed by both generals, their aides handing them separate copies and then exchanging them so each commander could sign two. After a few more moments of conversation, during which Grant finally explained why he wore a field uniform that was no match for his rival’s, Lee left the McLean House.

Such was the history of the surrender of Robert E. Lee’s army. There was no theatrical display about it, Marshall observed. It was in itself perhaps the greatest tragedy that ever occurred in the history of the world, but it was the simplest, plainest, and most thoroughly devoid of any attempt at effect, that you can imagine.

But Marshall did not realize what could be imagined by America’s printmakers. Besides, the story had not really ended. There was to be a dramatic coda that would add another layer of confusion to the surrender story.

The Lee of legend (and popular illustrations) had already been created by the time the generals returned from the true site of the surrender ceremony. All along his route, he was hailed with such cries as I love you just as well as ever, General by his loyal, tearful troops. Though truly a fine and noble man, Lee had become even more: the gallant cavalier who bravely fought a war he had not sought, and who surrendered with all the grace of a gentleman, though he had confided he would rather die a thousand deaths than do so.

The day after the surrender, Grant declared, I would like to see General Lee again. This time they did meet on horseback, chatting for half an hour near the old Confederate headquarters as staff officers hovered nearby. It was an incidental meeting, an anticlimactic footnote to the historic day that preceded it. But it seems that stories of this second encounter stimulated a lingering belief that Lee actually surrendered in such a setting.

Had the printmakers supplied Appomattox scenes more quickly, the legend might never have grown. Only two printmakers issued Appomattox scenes in 1865, and both erred, if at all, on the side of understatement. Most depictions were delayed until 1866 or 1867. So it remains one of the great mysteries of Civil War iconography why such a newsworthy event was not portrayed more quickly. Perhaps time was needed for passions to cool, and for Northern calls for Lee’s punishment to quiet down. It may be that some months had to pass before any Northern engraver or lithographer could feel safe portraying former enemy Robert E. Lee, even in defeat.

Southern printmakers provided no Appomattox scenes. They had been all but ruined by the war, driven out of business by chronic shortages of paper and ink, or compelled to focus on official work such as Confederate postage stamps and currency. By the time the war ended, the Southern print industry was, for all intents and purposes, a memory. And even had it survived, bitter recollections of Lee’s surrender and scenes of Appomattox would not have appealed to its customers.

Northern printmakers, denied access to the Southern audience for four years, gradually began supplying the images of the Lost Cause that they could never have been produced while the cause lived. During the late 1860s and throughout the 󈨊s and 󈨔s, parlor portraits of the principal heroes of the Confederate experience — Lee, Jackson and Davis — would be published by men in New York, Philadelphia, Boston and Chicago, men who had been enemies of the South just a few years earlier.

The appearance of these portraits and the first engravings and lithographs of Lee’s surrender signaled the beginning of the Northern effort to portray the Confederate image for profit. But along with the opportunities for profit came a challenge. It seemed difficult to market accurate prints of a surrender that was so simple and set in such mundane surroundings. Most solved this dilemma by providing imagined scenes of the purported apple orchard peace conference.

Among the more common orchard peace conference pictures, one of the most typical is the overdramatically titled Capitulation and Surrender of Robt. E. Lee & His Army at Appomattox. More restrained efforts are described as scenes of the Grant and Lee meeting, but their implicit message is the same: They are meant to suggest the actual surrender.

Lee actually returned to the orchard after signing the peace terms, and stood under an apple tree for the rest of the afternoon seeing visitors. After the soldiers left, Colonel Blackford remembered, the tree General Lee stood under was carried off by relic hunters. But print audiences had no reason to be concerned about this vandalism. For months afterward, the legendary tree would appear and reappear in purported re-creations of a scene that had never taken place.

In James Queen’s 1866 lithograph, Lee is shown reading the surrender terms beneath the ubiquitous apple tree while Grant gestures grandly to the rival armies encamped in the distance. The portraits of the generals are excellent the setting is pure invention.

Another effort, by Philadelphia’s Joseph Hoover, makes Lee appear almost eager to surrender, reaching out for the terms in Grant’s hand. Again the scene is outdoors, and to add to the mythicizing, both Lee and Grant are shown in resplendent fancy dress uniforms, Grant wearing a sword, something he rarely did anywhere. Still another outdoor interpretation suggests that the surrender occurred in winter, an error arising perhaps out of ignorance, perhaps to emphasize the hardships the soldiers had suffered. Two other prints, one likely copied from the other, contend that Grant handed the surrender terms to Lee.

But no popular print of the apple orchard surrender exaggerated quite as grandiosely as Kurz & Allison’s lithograph of the Capitulation and Surrender of Robt. E. Lee & His Army. The symbolic scene shows both Union and Confederate armies crowded into the orchard, actually meeting en masse for the surrender. Stereotypically tattered and wounded Confederates on one side of the scene are contrasted with hearty-looking Union troops behind Grant. To add to the absurdity of the picture, Lee is shown publicly surrendering his sword to Grant. Grant later characterized the much talked of surrender of Lee’s sword and my handing it back as the purest romance. To printmakers such as Chicago’s audience-wise Louis Kurz, though, truth was not the test of a good picture sales appeal was.

Currier & Ives’ two straightforward Appomattox lithographs were exceptions. But the work of these celebrated New York printmakers was not devoid of inaccuracy. Both their 1865 and 1873 prints depict Grant and Lee sharing a single table, though they did not do so. And the scenes suggest, by showing Lee’s sword on the table, that he surrendered it.

The only evidence that any printmaker completely understood the chronology of events that unfolded at and near Appomattox Court House on April 9 and 10, 1865, comes in a rare lithograph by one-time Currier & Ives artist Louis Maurer. It shows Grant and Lee meeting outdoors on horseback, but declares in its caption that the encounter occurred the day after surrender. Maruer modeled the print on a beautiful watercolor by Otto Boetticher, a Prussian-born Union soldier and military artist. Maurer’s adaptation remains one of the least-known but best-realized Appomattox prints. It portrays the two great adversaries planning for peace as grandly as they had waged a war.

Other painters attempted depictions of the surrender itself, with decidedly mixed results. Alonzo Chappel’s Surrender of General Lee was engraved for a book by Johnson & Fry of New York in 1865, but it misrepresents the McLean parlor as little more than a barracks. A much later Chappel painting became the model for The Surrender of General Lee, adapted for W.K. Steele of New York and featuring an accurate depiction of the room’s furnishings. The print proved popular enough to inspire a copy, but such a poor one that A. Lauder’s print of Mir seems more a parody than a piracy.

About the same time, a Mrs. M.F. Cocheu produced a design that pictures the opening and closing events of the war as Alpha (the attack on Fort Sumter) and Omega (Lee’s surrender). But in her ludicrous vision of the surrender, Lee, wearing a plumed hat, stands beneath an apple tree next to a rail fence, in full view of a wooden cabin Grant appears to be smoking a cigar.

It is no wonder that some printmakers eschewed interpretive choices altogether. W. Webber’s Appomattox print for J.H. Bufford, for example, celebrated the village of Appomattox Court House, not the event, while another printmaker made the centerpiece of his design a map of the area, adding no portraiture at all.

Of course, there were printmakers who succeeded in dealing seriously and inventively with the surrender and its immediate impact on Southern troops. Both Burk & McFettridge of Philadelphia and Charles H. Walker of Washington, D.C., issued prints immortalizing the simple farewell address Lee gave to his troops the day after his meeting with Grant in the McLean House. The Burk & McFettridge print, issued in 1883, features a wreathed portrait of Lee, flanked by a symbolic handshake sealing the reunification. Walker’s more ambitious lithograph, issued 10 years later, included portraits of Lee in uniform astride his famous horse, Traveller, and in civilian clothes, along with a beautifully realized central scene of Lee surrounded by his loyal troops, as he returns tearfully to camp after the surrender.

Perhaps no print attempted more ambitiously to portray the surrender in its proper location, and with as many of its central characters as possible, than Major & Knapp’s 1867 lithograph of The Room in the McLean House, at Appomattox C.H., in which GEN. LEE Surrendered to GEN. GRANT. Commissioned as a fundraising device by Wilmer McLean, the print contains portraits of the personalities meticulously copied from period photographs. The portrayal of Lee and two aides is modeled after a photograph for which the general had reluctantly posed on the back porch of his Richmond house a week after the surrender.

The Major & Knapp original slightly exaggerates the size of McLean’s parlor, probably to accommodate figures of generals such as George Armstrong Custer, Philip Sheridan and George Gordon Meade. Its most glaring error is its identification of the man writing out the surrender terms as General Wesley Merritt instead of Colonel Ely Parker. Overall, though, save for the symbolic inclusion of so many military personalities, the print is perhaps the finest of all interpretations of the solemn moments during which Lee and Grant waited while the instruments of surrender were finalized.

Having McLean directly involved (he copyrighted the lithograph) undoubtedly contributed to the print’s truthfulness. But the unfortunate man who had fled Manassas to avoid the dangers of war ironically found himself ruined by peace. Union officers had all but plundered his parlor after Grant and Lee left. Tables and chairs were carried off and pictures removed from the walls, with small sums of money thrown at their owner by the souvenir hunters.

McLean hoped to regain some of his losses through sales of the Major & Knapp print. But despite the picture’s high quality, it apparently failed to earn McLean the fortune he had anticipated. Within a few years he abandoned his Appomattox home, and by the end of the century it had crumbled into ruins. It would not be reconstructed until after World War II.

The surrender did Wilmer McLean little good, but it did wonders for Robert E. Lee. Nothing Lee did in the field would inspire as many prints as his surrender. Remarkably, the same was true of Ulysses S. Grant. But it was Lee who may have gained the most from the prints’ proliferation after the war. Appomattox prints helped elevate his image and make it palatable to both the South and the North. The mere fact that he had given up the rebellion at Appomattox helped to cleanse Lee in the North, where all print production would originate, encouraging his depiction with all the dignity eyewitnesses ascribed to him.

Thus, even though Appomattox prints were really Grant prints intended for jubilant Northerners, Lee’s inclusion in the scenes put him on equal footing with the victor, perhaps because there could be little glory for Grant unless it could be shown that he had defeated a worthy foe. But this is not to underestimate the Appomattox prints’ impact on Grant, for he was their true hero, Lee only their implied one. And Appomattox prints may well have helped Grant win election to the presidency in 1868. They did, however, help Lee become an American again, and in time an American hero.

Intentionally or not, these popular graphics for the family parlor also helped elevate Lee to a status shared by no other figure of the Confederacy: a living symbol of reconciliation. By depicting him unbowed before Grant, printmakers demonstrated that reunion could be accomplished without subjugation. Appomattox prints showed Lee in surrender but not in humiliation, and thus made Lee an icon of peace, not defeat.

As one of his field commanders would ask in a Lee eulogy delivered five years later, What man could have laid down his sword at the feet of a victorious general with greater dignity than he did at Appomattox? Even Northern historian Charles Francis Adams Jr. would term the surrender the most creditable episode in American history — an episode without blemish — imposing, dignified, simple, heroic. So it would always seem in Appomattox prints, even the most fanciful among them.

Appomattox prints took a potentially humiliating event in Robert E. Lee’s life and transformed it into something of a triumph. Perhaps Grant himself sensed this, for the man the prints were supposed to celebrate disapproved of the entire genre. When a committee of Congress approached him soon after the war to propose a painting of the surrender for the Capitol Rotunda, Grant refused. He said he would never play a role in producing a picture commemorating a victory in which his own countrymen had been vanquished.

In a way, Appomattox scenes pleased neither the conquered nor the conquering heroes. But they certainly pleased the people.

This article was written by Harold Holzer, Gabor S.Boritt and Mark E. Neely Jr. and originally published in the Janurary 2006 issue of Građanski rat Magazine.

Za još sjajnih članaka svakako se pretplatite Građanski rat magazine today!


Pogledajte video: Ends of War: The Unfinished Fight of Lees Army after Appomattox (Decembar 2021).

Video, Sitemap-Video, Sitemap-Videos