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7.10.2017. Avi Gabbay, novi lider Laburističke partije - historija

7.10.2017. Avi Gabbay, novi lider Laburističke partije - historija

Vijesti iz Tel Aviva večeras otkrivaju iznenađujuću pobjedu Avi Gabbaya koji je postao novi lider izraelske Laburističke partije. Gabbay je pobijedio u drugom krugu izbora za laburiste, pobijedivši dugogodišnjeg vođu lavova i bivšeg ministra odbrane MK Amira Peretza sa 52% na 48%. Prošle sedmice, Peretz i Gabbay zauzeli su prvo mjesto, odnosno dva, u većem krugu kandidata među kojima je bio i aktuelni lider laburista MK Yitzhak "Bougie" Herzog, koji je odlučno poražen.

Ovoga puta, članovi izraelske Laburističke stranke izabrali su potpunog autsajdera, koji se tek nedavno pridružio Laburističkoj stranci, nakon što je bio ministar zaštite okoliša u vladi Likuda, nakon što je osnovao stranku Kulanu, s MK Moshe Kachlon. Gabbay je podnio ostavku, nakon što se Avigdor Lieberman pridružio vladi da postane ministar odbrane, što je Gabbay smatrao da Liebermanu nije trebalo biti ponuđeno. Gabbay je tada rekao: „Vidim nedavne političke poteze i smjenu ministra odbrane kao ozbiljna djela koja zanemaruju ono što je važno za nacionalnu sigurnost. Ne mogu biti partner u ovoj akciji. ”

Gabbay je rođen od imigranata iz Maroka, sedmo od osmoro djece. Služio je u Army Intelligence Corp -u i stekao zvanje MBA na Hebrejskom univerzitetu. Gabbay je potom postao izvršni direktor Bezeqa, najveće izraelske telekomunikacijske kompanije. Njegovo porijeklo čini ga nevjerovatnim liderom Laburističke partije koja je sa jednim ili dva izuzetka ili izabrala dugogodišnje članove ili bivše generale za svog vođu.

Izbori Gabbaya nastavljaju svjetski trend, u kojem izgleda da glasači prihvaćaju autsajdere. Mnogi ovdje u Izraelu uspoređuju Gabbaya s novopečenim francuskim premijerom Emmanuelom Macronom - odnosno dvojicom autsajdera od kojih je svaki stekao kontrolu. Članovi Laburističke stranke koji su glasali u ime Gabbaya bili su jasno svjesni trenda i nadaju se da će dovođenjem autsajdera, koji je pokazao da su mu direktori važniji od zadržavanja njegove pozicije u stranci, promijeniti percepciju Laburističke stranke među biračima. Laburistička partija, koja je osvojila 25 mjesta u sadašnjem parlamentu, do nedavno je glasala oko 10 mjesta; ako bi se sada održali izbori. Naravno, poređenje ide samo do sada. Međutim, otkako je Macron osnovao novu stranku i Gabbay mora preuzeti postojeću, rascjepkanu stranku, Gabbayeva pobjeda zasigurno je dala psihološki udarac u ruke svima onima koji se protive sadašnjoj vlasti.

Druga velika priča iz Izraela uglavnom je nepovezana, ali ipak donekle povezana. Jutros je policija uhapsila šest osoba u takozvanom "slučaju 3000" (optužba da je mito bilo uključeno u nedavnu kupovinu Izraela podmornica iz Njemačke.) Uhapšeni su: visoki zvaničnici odbrane, bivši vršilac dužnosti načelnika Vijeće za nacionalnu sigurnost pod premijerom Netanyahuom i advokatom koji je također djelovao kao Netanyahuov privatni advokat i njegov je rođak. Slučaj uključuje navode da je njemačko brodogradilište, po imenu ThyssenKrupp, možda podmitilo visoke zvaničnike kako bi navelo Izrael da naruči dodatne podmornice i druge brodove. Iako sam Netanyahu trenutno nije pod istragom u ovom slučaju, činjenica da je Netanyahu bio strastveni pristalica kupovine, dok se njegov tadašnji ministar odbrane - Moshe "Bougie" Ya'alon - protivio kupovini, izazvala je sumnje. Treba napomenuti da je nakon otpuštanja Ya'alona novi ministar odbrane Avigdor Lieberman nastavio s kupovinom. Šestorica koji su danas uhapšeni optuženi su za podmićivanje, pranje novca i kršenje poreza na dohodak.

Kako je to povezano s izborima u Laburističkoj stranci? Ovaj par stavki povezan je na dva načina. Prvo, iako se u ovom trenutku Netanyahu ne istražuje u ovom slučaju (za razliku od dva druga slučaja u kojima se vodi istraga), ovaj slučaj ima potencijal biti najveći i najvažniji korupcijski slučaj u povijesti Izraela. U pitanju su velike svote novca, a najsvetija izraelska krava - tj. Odbrana zemlje - možda je povrijeđena. Drugo, postoji još jedan ugao za razvoj. Mnogi od uhapšenih i drugi koji su pod istragom bili su glavni zagovornici sporazuma koji je Izrael potpisao o izvozu velikog dijela prirodnog gasa koji se nalazi na njegovoj obali. Gabbay, u ulozi ministra zaštite okoliša, bio je jedan od vodećih protivnika dogovora. Ironično, na dan kada su mnogi od ovih pristalica izvoza izraelskih gasnih izvora uhapšeni, Gabbay je izabran na čelo glavne opozicione stranke. Vrijeme će pokazati hoće li uspjeti natjerati protivnike Netanjahuove vlade da postanu efikasna opoziciona snaga i potencijalna zamjena za sadašnju vladu nakon sljedećih izbora.


Laburisti za vođu stranke biraju milionera Avija Gabaya

TEL AVIV – Poslovni izvršni direktor i bivši ministar Kulanua Avi Gabbay pobijedio je u ponedjeljak na izborima za laburiste, pobijedivši bivšeg lidera stranke i ministra odbrane Amira Peretza za novog predsjednika.

Glasalo je 59% članova stranke, a novajlija Gabbay uzela je 52,4% glasova u odnosu na Peretzovih 47,6%.

"Nadate se novom vođi i evo mene pred vama", rekao je Gabbay u svom pobjedničkom govoru, u kojem je apelirao na svog poraženog protivnika Peretza da mu stane na stranu.

„Danas počinje novi put. Put sada počinje. Put vodi do nove vlade ”, nastavio je. „Ovaj put je za svakoga. Ovaj put je za sve građane Izraela. ”

"Moja jedina briga je dobro ljudi, dobro zemlje", rekao je.

Gabbay se obratio Peretzu, rekavši: "Vidim vas kao centralnog partnera u našoj misiji i#8211 koji zamjenjuje Netanyahuovu vladu."

Bivši stranački lider Isaac Herzog, koji je izbačen iz izbora na izborima prošlog utorka, glasovi#8217, čestitao je Gabbayu uprkos tome što je podržao Peretza.

"Upravo sam razgovarao s Avijem Gabbayem i čestitao mu na impresivnoj kampanji", napisao je Herzog na Twitteru. “Jasno sam mu rekao da ću stati uz njega i pomoći mu da ojača Laburističku stranku i promijeni vladu. Želim mu sreću. ”

Dok je Peretz veteran zakonodavac, Gabbay ima minimalno političko iskustvo. U maju prošle godine, Gabbay je prestao sa kratkotrajnim radom na mjestu ministra u Netanyahuovoj vladi u znak protesta kada se stranka Yisrael Beytenu pridružila koaliciji.

Kao takva, pobjeda Gabbaya#8217 napravila je poređenje s francuskim predsjednikom Emmanuelom Macronom, takođe pridošlicom na političkoj sceni.

Gabbay, samoupravljeni milioner i bivši čelnik izraelske telekomunikacione kompanije Bezeq, odmah će preuzeti mjesto stranačkog lidera, iako ne može postati lider opozicije jer nije sadašnji član Kneseta. Rekao je da će Herzog za sada zadržati tu dužnost

Ljevičarska Laburistička partija, rascijepana unutrašnjim sukobima, posebno nakon tajnih pregovora lidera stranke Herzoga o pridruživanju koaliciji Netanjahua prošle godine,#8211 je većinu svojih biračkih baza prebacila na centrističke Yesh Atid party.


Dnevnik iz Tel Aviva: Novi vođa radne snage izabran za podmorničke skandale

Vijesti iz Tel Aviva večeras otkrivaju iznenađujuću pobjedu Avija Gabaya koji je postao novi lider izraelske Laburističke partije.

Gabbay je pobijedio u drugom krugu izbora za laburiste, pobijedivši dugogodišnjeg vođu radnika i bivšeg ministra odbrane MK-a Amira Peretza sa 52 posto na 48 posto.

Prošle sedmice, Peretz i Gabbay zauzeli su prvo mjesto, odnosno dva, u većem krugu kandidata među kojima je bio i aktuelni lider laburista MK Yitzhak "Bougie" Herzog, koji je odlučno poražen.

Ovoga puta, članovi izraelske Laburističke stranke izabrali su potpunog autsajdera, koji se tek nedavno pridružio Laburističkoj stranci, nakon što je bio ministar zaštite okoliša u vladi Likuda, nakon što su osnovali Kulanu Zabava, sa MK Moshe Kachlon.

Gabbay je podnio ostavku nakon što se Avigdor Lieberman pridružio vladi da postane ministar odbrane, što je Gabbay smatrao da Liebermanu nije trebalo biti ponuđeno. Gabbay je tada rekao:

Nedavne političke poteze i smjenu ministra odbrane vidim kao teška djela koja zanemaruju ono što je važno za nacionalnu sigurnost. Ne mogu biti partner u ovom pravcu djelovanja.

Gabbay je rođen od imigranata iz Maroka, sedmo od osmoro djece. Služio je u Army Intelligence Corp -u i stekao zvanje MBA na Hebrejskom univerzitetu. Zatim je postao generalni direktor Bezeqa, najveće izraelske telekomunikacijske kompanije. Njegovo porijeklo čini ga nevjerovatnim liderom Laburističke partije, koja je, s jednim ili dva izuzetka, ili izabrala za lidera dugogodišnje članove ili bivše generale.

Izbori Gabbaya nastavljaju svjetski trend u kojem se čini da glasači prihvaćaju autsajdere. Mnogi ovdje u Izraelu uspoređuju Gabbaya s novopečenim francuskim predsjednikom Emmanuelom Macronom. Naravno, poređenje ide samo toliko daleko jer je Macron osnovao potpuno novu stranku, a Gabbay nasljeđuje postojeću, rascjepkanu stranku.

Laburisti, koji su dobili 25 mjesta u sadašnjem parlamentu, donedavno su birali samo oko 10 mjesta ako bi se izbori trebali održati sada. Članovi Laburističke stranke koji su glasali za Gabbaya jasno su se nadali da će dovođenjem autsajdera promijeniti percepciju Laburističke partije među biračima u cjelini.

Gabbayeva pobjeda zasigurno je dala psihološki udarac u ruke svima onima koji se protive sadašnjoj vlasti.

Druga velika priča iz Izraela uglavnom je nepovezana, ali ipak donekle povezana. Jutros je policija uhapsila šest osoba u takozvanom "slučaju 3000" (optužba da je mito bilo uključeno u nedavnu kupovinu Izraela podmornica iz Njemačke.)

Među uhapšenima su: visoki zvaničnici odbrane, bivši vršilac dužnosti šefa Vijeća za nacionalnu sigurnost pod premijerom Netanyahuom i advokat koji je također djelovao kao Netanyahuov privatni advokat i njegov je rođak.

Slučaj uključuje navode da je njemačko brodogradilište ThyssenKrupp možda podmitilo visoke zvaničnike kako bi navelo Izrael da naruči dodatne podmornice i druge brodove. Šestorica koji su danas uhapšeni optuženi su za podmićivanje, pranje novca i kršenje poreza na dohodak.

Iako sam Netanyahu nije pod istragom u ovom slučaju, barem do sada, činjenica da je Netanyahu bio strastveni zagovornik dogovora o podmornicama, dok se njegov ministar odbrane u to vrijeme & ndash Moshe "Bougie" Ya'alon & ndash protivio kupovini izazvao sumnju.

Treba napomenuti da je nakon otpuštanja Ya'alona novi ministar odbrane Avigdor Lieberman nastavio s kupovinom.

Kako je to povezano s izborima u Laburističkoj partiji? Na dva načina.

Prvo, iako se protiv Netanyahua trenutno ne vodi istraga u ovom slučaju (za razliku od druga dva slučaja u kojima se vodi istraga), ovaj skandal s podmornicama ima potencijal biti najveći i najvažniji korupcijski slučaj u povijesti Izraela. Ogromne sume novca su uključene, a najsvetija izraelska krava & ndash, tj. Odbrana zemlje & ndash je ono što je moglo biti povrijeđeno.

Drugo, postoji još jedan ugao za razvoj. Mnogi od uhapšenih i drugih koji su pod istragom bili su istaknuti zagovornici sporazuma koji je Izrael potpisao o izvozu velikog dijela prirodnog gasa koji se nalazi na njegovoj obali. Gabbay, u ulozi ministra zaštite okoliša, bio je jedan od vodećih protivnika dogovora.

Ironično, na dan kada su mnogi od ovih pristalica izvoza izraelskih gasnih izvora uhapšeni, Gabbay je izabran na čelo glavne opozicione stranke. Vrijeme će pokazati hoće li uspjeti natjerati protivnike Netanjahuove vlade da postanu efikasna opoziciona snaga i potencijalna zamjena za sadašnju vladu nakon sljedećih izbora.


Tajanstveni novi vođa izraelske Laburističke partije

Prvi sastanci novog predsjedavajućeg Laburističke partije, Avija Gabbaya, zbunili su zaposlenike. Novi šef nije gubio vrijeme na ljubaznosti. Sastanci su bili "hladni i poslovni", rekao je jedan od učesnika.

“Gabbay je prešao na stvar i jasno rekao da očekuje od nas minimum smetnji, jer je njegov cilj udvostručiti broj članova stranke na 100.000 i dobiti 30 mjesta za laburiste. Očigledno želimo i mi vidjeti da uspijeva, ali način na koji se ponašao s nama, kao da vodi posao, a ne zabava, nama je stran ”, saznao je Al-Monitor od drugog sudionika koji je kao i svi drugi tražio da ostane anoniman.

Ovi izvještaji izražavaju zdrav osjećaj neizvjesnosti u pogledu budućnosti stranke pod vodstvom Gabbaya, koji za sada dobro glasa. Od kada je izabran 10. jula, Gabbay se sastao sa svih 24 člana Knesseta iz cionističkog kampa (čiji su partneri laburisti). Rekao im je da namjerava donijeti 30 mjesta za zabavu, ali čini se da su svi otišli s čudnim osjećajem da ne poznaju tog čovjeka.

Gabbay je u svoju novu ulogu ušao s guštom. Svako jutro stiže u ured koji je napustio bivši čelnik Isaac Herzog u poslovnoj zgradi u ulici Yigal Alon u Tel Avivu, a s posla odlazi u kasnim satima. Gabbay projicira ljude oko sebe da u gradu ima novog šefa i da ima dobro uređen plan rada.

Nakon iznenađujućeg izbora čovjeka koji nikada nije glasao za stranku i pridružio joj se prije samo osam mjeseci, Gabbay je na mnogo načina enigma - za članove Knesseta iz stranke, njene aktiviste veterane i partijske operativce, koji su se međusobno poznavali po mnogo godina. Većina njih nije upoznata sa njegovim stilom upravljanja, karakterom, mišljenjem, temperamentom ili čak političkim identitetom.

Gabbay je čudna ptica u politici. Odrastao je u domu Likuda. Na posljednjim izborima 2015. osnovao je desničarsku Kulanu s ministrom financija Mosheom Kahlonom. Imenovan je za ministra zaštite okoliša i napustio je vladu nakon manje od godinu i pol dana prije nego što se pojavio niotkuda u Laburističkoj stranci.

Gabbay je u tren oka preuzeo stranku, pobijedivši čitav stranački aparat, uključujući četiri člana Kneseta koji su se protiv njega borili na predizborima. Jedan od ovih poraženih rivala bio je predsjednik Isaac Herzog, a drugi, Amir Peretz, bivši predsjednik i ministar odbrane. Njegovi pretendenti bili su od laburista od krvi i mesa. Nijedan od njih nije da-čovjek, a Gabbay će imati bolnu lekciju da nauči da je Labor potpuna suprotnost Kulanu-u, koji se spaja oko Kahlona. "U Laburistima se svaki član centralnog odbora ponaša kao da ima dio stranke, a ako ankete prestanu laskati Gabbayu, otkrit će da bi mu, uz svo poštovanje njegovih metoda upravljanja poslovanjem, život mogao postati težak," izvor iz stranke rekao je za Al-Monitor pod uvjetom anonimnosti.

Laburisti su doživjeli mnoge potrese u posljednje dvije decenije od ubistva premijera Yitzhaka Rabina. Stolice su dolazile i odlazile nakon gubitaka u izbornim ciklusima sve dok identitet stranke više nije bio jasan.

Od izbora Shelly Yachimovich za predsjedavajuću 2011. godine, stranka je obilježena socijaldemokratskom agendom, a mnogi njeni članovi u Knesetu poistovjećeni su sa parlamentarnim aktivnostima po pitanjima socijalne pravde. Gabbay je antiteza ovoj agendi. On je biznismen koji se obogatio radeći u javnom preduzeću koje je privatizovalo - jednu od meta protesta socijalne pravde 2011. identifikovanih sa laburistima. Njegov diplomatski-sigurnosni plan može se sažeti u izjavama o namjerama i sloganima. Gabbay nikada nije imao službeni stav po ovim pitanjima.

Gabbay nema mnogo na putu političke istorije, pa njegovo mišljenje nije dobro poznato-ni široj javnosti, ni članovima stranke na čijem je čelu. Iako je Gabbay govorio o mnogim temama, u većini slučajeva nudi mišljenje o određenoj temi ili događaju, a ne zvuči kao netko s dobro formiranom i obrazloženom filozofijom koju drži godinama.

Gabbay je 19. jula posjetio Tiberijadu kako bi se susreo s nekoliko stotina stanovnika. Tiberijada je grad na sjevernoj periferiji, gdje je stranka na izborima 2015. dobila jedva 7,5% glasova. To je jedno od uporišta Likuda koje je Gabbay označio kao izvor za crpljenje novih birača. Napisao je u objavi na Facebooku: "Rekli smo da ćemo započeti kampanju za promjenu naše vlade upravo na mjestima koja ne glasaju za laburiste, i to radimo." Gabbay namjerava nastaviti sa svim gradovima identificiranim s Likudom.

U međuvremenu, fenomen Gabbay stvara šokove u političkom establišmentu, posebno u kampu u lijevom centru. Prvi koji je patio bio je Yair Lapid, predsjedavajući centrističkog Yesh Atida koji je do Gabbayevog izbora izgledao kao da će se najverovatnije sastati s premijerom Benjaminom Netanyahuom. Ankete su pokazale trenutni učinak, a Lapid je zatekao zaostajanje za novim djetetom u politici. Prvih nekoliko dana činilo se da Lapid gubi fokus. Od tada se Lapid uhvatio u koštac sa sobom, ponovo je počeo napadati Netanyahua i ponovno pokrenuo svoju antikorupcijsku kampanju usmjerenu na premijerovo meko trbuh nakon afere podmornica i hapšenja njegovih saradnika.

Lapid radi na osvajanju glasača za koje su ankete pokazale da će izabrati Laburiste nakon Gabbayjevih izbora. Nema namjeru da se preda, sa dobro podmazanom strankom, aktivnim ograncima i aparatom koji kontroliše. Gabbay će, s druge strane, svoju energiju morati potrošiti na političke probleme unutar svoje stranke, uključujući uočene prekršaje, uvrtanje ruku, poravnavanje rezultata i suparnike koji čekaju da padne.


Pumpanjem novog života u izraelsku Laburističku stranku, s desna

HAIFA, Izrael-On je prije samo nekoliko mjeseci bio niko iz izraelskog desnog centra, nekadašnji manji ministar pod premijerom Benjaminom Netanyahuom, koji je bio najpoznatiji, ako ga je uopće imao, zbog napuštanja vlade.

Zatim je Avi Gabbay u julu šokirao političku klasu zemlje osvojivši vodstvo Laburističke partije, nekada moćnog, ali dugo umirućeg, prvaka izraelske ljevice.

Sada, odjednom, gospodin Gabbay je posvuda: kibicira u talk show-ovima, širi se na Facebooku, privlači gomilu ljudi na fakultetima, pa čak i u desničarskim rukavcima gdje se laburistički političari dugo plaše da gaze. Još je nevjerojatnije da natjera suparnike da se raspitaju hoće li oni služiti uz njega ako bude izabran za premijera.

Ako ne postigne ništa drugo, gospodin Gabbay (50) je brzo povukao ono što se činilo gotovo nemogućim: dajući beznadnim, nemoćnim i bezobzirnim izraelskim liberalima dozvolu da barem zamisle obnovu nakon Netanjahua, da ponovo sanja o tome da mu se da nova šansa za vođstvo.

Anketa izraelske TV stanice, neposredno nakon nadmetanja laburističkog rukovodstva u julu, pokazala je da će, ako se tada održe izbori, Likud zauzeti 29 mandata u Knesetu, a Cionistički sindikat, koji uključuje i laburiste, zauzeće 24 mandata - osam više centristička partija Yesh Atid koju vodi Yair Lapid.

Ali on je to učinio, velikim dijelom, iritirajući te iste liberale. Bilo namjerno ili slučajno, gospodin Gabbay nastavlja iskakati na načine koji privlače desno, a ne lijevo. On je odbacio ideju koalicije s arapskim strankama u Knesetu, rekavši da one predstavljaju birače lidera palestinskih vlasti Mahmuda Abbasa, a ne izraelske Arape. Gospodin Gabbay je pozdravio pojačavanje vjerskih sadržaja u javnim školama. Pooh-pooh je evakuirao naselja na Zapadnoj obali radi mira s Palestincima.

I otprašio je staru Netanyahuovu uvredu o tome kako je "ljevica zaboravila šta znači biti Jevrejin".

Gospodin Gabbay sada inzistira da je samo htio reći kako da se udvaraju tradicionalnijim Izraelcima koji žele osjećati da sa svojim vođama dijele iste vrijednosti, a ne samo stavove politike. "Poštujem svakoga, vjerovali ili ne vjerovali", rekao je tokom kampanje prošlog mjeseca u Haifi. „Ali vjerujem da moramo razgovarati o svom jevrejskom identitetu. To je glavna stvar koja nas sve ujedinjuje. ”

Primjedba je bila zvižduk za birače s desne strane u centru za koje se gospodin Gabbay nada da će se odvojiti od gospodina Netanyahua, rekao je Yehuda Ben-Meir, veteran desničarskih vlada koji sada prati javno mnijenje Instituta za nacionalnu Sigurnosne studije u Tel Avivu.

"Ljevica je poludjela", rekao je gospodin Ben-Meir, "ali desnica je obratila pažnju."

Čini se da je gospodin Gabbay zadovoljan pažnjom koju dobiva, kritičnom ili ne, iako to prihvaća nonšalantno, kao da se radi o jednostavnoj matematici.

Zaista, postoji direktnost prema njemu, od hladnog načina na koji postavlja pitanja biračima - slušajući ih sve, kako bi procijenio sobu, prije nego što strpljivo odgovori na svako - do toga kako je uopće odlučio pobjeći.

Njegov nevjerojatan put započeo je u izvršnom apartmanu u Bezequ, izraelskoj državnoj telekomunikacijskoj kompaniji, gdje je njegov otac bio tehničar. Imenovan za izvršnog direktora 2007. godine, gospodin Gabbay je vodio kompaniju kroz šest godina deregulacije, privatizacije i profita, otpuštajući cijeli sloj menadžera tako nježno, prema jednom izvještaju, da su iz njegove kancelarije otišli nasmijani.

Nakon što je pokušao kupiti El Al, nacionalnu aviokompaniju, gospodin Gabbay, do sada multimilioner, pomogao je u osnivanju stranke desnog centra Kulanu 2015. godine, a zatim, kada se pridružila koaliciji gospodina Netanyahua, postao je ministar zaštite okoliša.

Postigao je neke uspjehe, ali nije dobio pomoć od gospodina Netanyahua u smanjenju propisa, žalio se, i bio je usamljeni glas u vladi protiv velikog dogovora o prirodnom plinu, za koji je rekao da će potrošače koštati previše.

Sve vrijeme, rekao je, gledao je gospodina Netanyahua kako sije podjelu i mržnju na svojim nedjeljnim sastancima kabineta. "Svake sedmice to je kao nešto protiv nekoga", rekao je gospodin Gabbay u intervjuu. "To je protiv ljevice, to je protiv medija, protiv Arapa i protiv, protiv, protiv."

Njegova posljednja kap bila je imenovanje Netanyahua za ministra odbrane Avigdora Liebermana, tvrdokornog nacionaliste sa nekoliko relevantnih kvalifikacija.

"Morate znati nešto o" odbrani, rekao je gospodin Gabbay, dodajući: "Nije to kao biti ministar zaštite okoliša."

Tako je u maju 2016. g. Gabbay dao otkaz.

Nakon što se povukao na Mikonos u Grčkoj, iscrpljujući biografije bivših premijera Davida Ben-Guriona i Menachema Begina, gospodin Gabbay je rekao da je odlučio da se sam kandiduje za premijera kako bi promijenio političku kulturu u Izraelu, što je, kako kaže, jedino moguće postići sa samog vrha.

Odabrao je Labor za svoje vozilo poput glave motora koji je razbio olupinu da bi je obnovio: ocjene su joj bile rekordno niske, a predviđeno je da će osvojiti samo osam od 120 mjesta u Knesetu. "Ljudi su mi govorili: 'Ti si lud'", rekao je. „‘ Hoćeš li se pridružiti ovom lešu? Ozbiljno? ’”

Možda nisu cijenili njegovu izdržljivost. Veteran osam maratona, s tetovažom trkača ispod odijela, jedva je dolazio do daha nakon predizbora prije nego što je započeo svoju kampanju za premijera, iako bi do izbora moglo proći godinu ili dvije.

Za gospodina Gabbaya, najveći problem s gospodinom Netanyahuom, i ono što će ga otežati svrgavanje, je njegova eksploatacija politike identiteta, koja je previše laka u razbijenom izraelskom društvu. "Misija premijera je da bude premijer svih ljudi u zemlji - ne vaš kamp, ​​vaša strana", rekao je.

S tim u vezi, gospodin Gabbay, sin marokanskih imigranata koji je svoje prve godine proveo u tranzitnom kampu, može se nadati podršci drugih Jevreja iz Mizrahija, čija su ozlojeđenost u prošlosti bila moćna sila. "Dolazim iz naroda, nisam iz elite", rekao je. Njegova žena je učiteljica, a brat vozi taksi. On bi nesumnjivo bio prvi premijer koji je nekad čekao stolove u kafeteriji Kneseta.

Socijaldemokrata koji se samoproglasio, napada napadačko-kapitalizam i obećava da će popraviti sigurnosnu mrežu i riješiti kritični nedostatak zemlje pristupačnog stanovanja. "Moramo promijeniti Izrael iz zemlje u kojoj ljudi samo preživljavaju", rekao je, "u onu u kojoj ljudi zaista žive."

Obećava da će se boriti protiv korupcije i želi dati prednost vojnim veteranima, a ne pritisnuti ultrareligiozne muškarce u službu. "Dolazim iz pozicije" za ", a ne" protiv ", rekao je upoređujući sebe sa rivalima koji su" protiv Arapa i Haredima. Zalažem se za svoju djecu. ”

Dodao je da razlika nije izgubljena na pravoslavcima: "To im se jako sviđa."

Iako podržava rješenje dvije države za izraelsko-palestinski sukob, gospodin Gabbay odbija reći ono čega bi se odrekao za mir, samo raspravljajući o tome što želi dobiti-demurral koji će se vjerovatno testirati u narednoj sedmici na sastancima u Sjedinjenim Državama, uključujući i veliki nastup na Sabanskom forumu u Washingtonu.

Mnogim Izraelcima je teško razlikovati stavove gospodina Gabbaya od pozicija gospodina Lapida, bivšeg televizijskog voditelja i ministra, koji je u nedavnim anketama opet drugi od gospodina Netanyahua. Dahlia Scheindlin, anketarka Laburista 2015. godine, rekla je da su političari sa većim sposobnostima nego što je gospodin Gabbay to već pokušao, ali je pronašla premalo glasača desnog centra za jurnjavom. Rad, tako identifikovan sa ljevicom, rekla je, "praktično ne postoji u njihovim očima".

Ali između njih, g. Gabbay i g. Lapid mogli bi ukrasti dovoljno podrške s desne strane da joj uskrate automatsku većinu. Gospodin Gabbay, iako insistira na pobjedi, priznaje i da bi bio spreman služiti pod gospodinom Lapidom.

Za mlađe laburiste, koji se jedva sjećaju posljednje pobjede stranke 1999. godine, uzbuđenje oko laburista je opojno.

"On nije poput starog lijevog krila", rekao je Oren Idel (23), student na Technion univerzitetu u Haifi. “On je novi laburist. Mislim da će nam vratiti mnogo birača. Daje mi snažan osjećaj da je neko kome možemo vjerovati. ”


Izraelska laburistička stranka izabrala je novopridošlog Avija Gabaya za vođu u nastojanju da smijeni Netanjahua

Izraelska Laburistička partija izabrala je u ponedjeljak političkog pridošlicu Avija Gabaya za svog lidera u nadi da će bivši izvršni direktor telekomunikacija pomoći smijeniti premijera Benjamina Netanyahua.

Gabbay je osvojio 52% glasova na drugom krugu izbora protiv Amira Peretza, veterana Laburističke stranke i bivšeg predsjednika stranke, koji je dobio 47%. Gabbay će zamijeniti odlazećeg predsjednika laburista Isaaca Herzoga, koji je u prvom krugu primarnog glasanja 4. jula zauzeo treće mjesto.

U svom govoru o pobjedi, Gabbay je obećao "vodstvo koje će hrabro i pošteno djelovati prema miru sa susjedima" i raditi na zamjeni Netanyahuove stranke Likud kao vladajuće stranke u zemlji.

„Ovo je početak puta. Taj put vodi do promjene vlade u Izraelu ”, rekao je. "Laburistička partija je glasala za promjene."

Iako laburisti trenutno vode opozicioni blok u izraelskom parlamentu, Knesetu, stranka se bori s biračkim tijelom koje se posljednjih godina pomaknulo udesno, i naizgled nedostatkom karizmatičnog političkog vođe koji bi oživio stranačku bazu i privukao nove pristalice .

Iako su laburistički preci osnovali državu nakon njenog osnivanja i postigli mirovne sporazume sa izraelskim susjedima, prošlo je gotovo dvije decenije od kada je stranka pobijedila na općim izborima. Herzog je na izborima 2015. završio na drugom mjestu, ali je njegova popularnost pala nakon što je otkriveno da je tajno pregovarao o pridruživanju Netanyahuovoj koaliciji.

Ankete posljednjih mjeseci ukazuju na to da će stranka izgubiti oko polovine poslaničkih mandata koje je osvojila 2015.

Gabbay (50), rođak nepoznat koji je bio na čelu najveće izraelske telefonske kompanije, ušao je u politiku prije tri godine sa strankom desnog centra i kratko je služio kao ministar zaštite okoliša pod Netanyahuom prije nego što je prošle godine podnio ostavku i pristupio Laburističkoj stranci.

Novi predsjednik Laburista nikada nije izabran u izraelski parlament i ne nosi politički prtljag većeg broja poslanika veterana, rekli su neki posmatrači. Budući da nije zakonodavac, Gabbay neće moći biti predsjednik opozicije u parlamentu i morat će pronaći saveznika u stranci da popuni tu poziciju.

Gabbay, sin marokanskih imigranata, ima potencijal da poveća privlačnost stranke među izraelskim židovskim stanovništvom na Bliskom istoku, glasačkim blokom koji je tradicionalno preferirao Netanyahuovu stranku Likud i izbjegavao laburiste kao stranku sekularnih europskih elita.

"Ljudi ga ne poznaju, ali uspio se prodati kao nova roba i to je ključna stvar", rekao je Ofer Zalzberg, izraelski analitičar pri Međunarodnoj kriznoj grupi.

No Gabbayu nedostaje bilo kakvo iskustvo u diplomatskim ili nacionalnim sigurnosnim ulogama, ostavljajući oštar kontrast s Netanyahuom, koji je u Izraelu bio poznat kao “Mr. Sigurnost ”, rekao je Zalzberg. Međutim, ako par istraga o korupciji protiv Netanyahua rezultira optužnicom, Gabbayevi izgledi bi se mogli poboljšati.

Iako izraelskom politikom sve više dominiraju društveno -ekonomske rasprave i pritužbe na sve veće troškove života, politički analitičari kažu da kada Izraelci glasaju, oni najčešće glasaju za kandidata koji se smatra sigurnosnim jastrebom.

"Da biste vodili, morate prijeći sigurnosni prag u očima javnosti", rekao je Jonathan Rynhold, profesor političkih nauka na Univerzitetu Bar Ilan. "Gabbay nema [sigurnosnu] evidenciju."

Na biračkom mjestu za laburiste u Tel Avivu, članovi stranke rekli su da, iako je Gabbay novajlija u stranci, on predstavlja promjenu za laburiste u usporedbi s Peretzom, koji se smatra dijelom laburističke političke mašine.

Doron Braunshtein, 41-godišnji član laburista, oplakivao je da nijedan od kandidata nema moć "zvijezde" da parira Netanyahuu, ali je rekao da Gabbay barem predstavlja "nekog novog".


Izraelska laburistička stranka izabrala je novopridošlog Avija Gabaya za vođu u nastojanju da smijeni Netanjahua

IZVJEŠTAVANJE S TEL AVIVA - Izraelska Laburistička partija izabrala je u ponedjeljak političkog novaka Avija Gabaya za svog lidera u nadi da će bivši izvršni direktor telekomunikacija pomoći smijeniti premijera Benjamina Netanyahua.

Gabbay je osvojio 52% glasova na drugom krugu izbora protiv Amira Peretza, veterana Laburističke partije i bivšeg predsjednika stranke, koji je dobio 47%. Gabbay će zamijeniti odlazećeg predsjednika laburista Isaaca Herzoga, koji je u prvom krugu primarnog glasanja 4. jula zauzeo treće mjesto.

U svom govoru o pobjedi, Gabbay je obećao "vodstvo koje će hrabro i pošteno djelovati prema miru sa susjedima" i raditi na zamjeni Netanjahuove stranke Likud kao vladajuće u zemlji.

"Ovo je početak puta. Taj put vodi do promjene vlade u Izraelu", rekao je on. "Laburistička partija je glasala za promjene."

Though Labor currently leads the opposition bloc in the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, the party is struggling with an electorate that has shifted to the right in recent years, and a seeming lack of a charismatic political leader to reinvigorate the party base and attract new supporters.

While Labor's forebears established the country after its founding and reached peace treaties with Israel's neighbors, it's been nearly two decades since the party won a general election. Herzog finished second in the 2015 elections, but his popularity collapsed after it was revealed that he secretly negotiated to join Netanyahu's coalition.

Polls in recent months suggested that the party would lose about half the parliamentary seats it won in 2015.

Gabbay, 50, a relative unknown who headed Israel's largest phone company, entered politics three years ago with a center-right party and briefly served as an environment minister under Netanyahu before resigning and joining the Labor Party last year.

The new Labor chairman has never been elected to the Israeli parliament and doesn't carry the political baggage of more veteran lawmakers, some observers said. Because he is not a lawmaker, Gabbay won't be able to serve as the opposition chairman in the parliament and will need to find an ally in the party to fill the position.

Gabbay, the son of Moroccan immigrants, has the potential to boost the party's appeal among Israel's Middle Eastern Jewish population, a voting bloc that traditionally has preferred Netanyahu's Likud Party and shunned Labor as a party of secular European elites.

"The people don't know him, but he has managed to sell himself as a new commodity and that's the key thing,'' said Ofer Zalzberg, an Israel analyst at the International Crisis Group.

But Gabbay lacks any experience in diplomatic or national security roles, leaving a stark contrast with Netanyahu, who has been known in Israel as "Mr. Security," Zalzberg said. If a pair of corruption investigations of Netanyahu result in an indictment, however, Gabbay's prospects might improve.

Though Israeli politics have become increasingly dominated by socioeconomic debates and complaints about the rising cost of living, political analysts say that when Israelis cast their ballots they most often vote for the candidate who is seen as a security hawk.


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In his short leadership, Gabbay has managed to anger large swathes of his own party membership and the wider Israeli left. His remarks on Israeli-Arab politicians, the settlements and the left’s lack of Jewish values has transformed him into a figure of controversy, but, he hopes, also a candidate that many traditional, centrist and right-wing voters can contemplate as their prime minister.

Gabbay had a mountain to climb. The master plan was to transform himself, in 18 months, from an unknown in the Labor leadership race to prime minister. Halfway through, he has succeeded in taking Labor by storm. But that turns out to have been the easy part.

He may have won enough votes to become party leader, but he has yet to win members over to his unclear vision. But he is not only challenging the left: he is also challenging a whole set of beliefs that have become stuck in the collective political mind – that Israelis have shifted too far to the right for a Labor victory that Mizrahi Israelis whose families came from North African or Middle Eastern countries, like Gabbay, are wedded to the right-wing Likud and its satellite parties that only a former army general has sufficient kudos to shift voters back to the center-left and that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is unbeatable. And that he may have just one shot and less than six months to do all this.

High risk option

Just over a year ago, Gabbay boarded a plane for Athens, where he planned to reach a decision on his future. Then still anonymous to most of the Israeli public, he was already an ex-minister, following what looked like one of the shortest political careers. Nearing his 50th birthday, he weighed his options. The easy and most comfortable path was to go back to his previous career. As the former CEO of Israel’s largest telecommunications company, Bezeq, and one of the highest-paid executives in Israel, he could find another senior management post or join an investment fund.

But despite a disappointing year as environmental protection minister – during which he had become disillusioned with both Netanyahu and Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon, with whom he founded the centrist party Kulanu in 2014 – he still had the political bug.

One option was to run for mayor of Tel Aviv in 2019. Another was to join ex-Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon in forming yet another new political party. Instead, Gabbay opted for what he describes as the “high risk – high yield” option.

Shortly after returning from Athens he joined the Labor Party and, three months later, announced his candidacy for its leadership. On July 10, after being a member for only seven months, he was elected as the party’s new leader.

What makes his feeling of urgency even keener is his belief, which he admits to political allies, that he has “only one shot.” He doesn’t have his own camp of supporters in the party, and if the experience of past leaders is anything to go by, if he loses the next Knesset election – which he believes Netanyahu, dogged by police investigations, will call in the spring of 2018 – he has little chance of surviving and getting a second chance. In the 17 years since a Labor leader last served as prime minister, the party has changed leaders eight times. .

Gabbay has no time to spare if he wants to end Labor’s barren run. Which is why he doesn’t really care who he offends on the way up. “I’m sitting in the casino with a pile of chips and I can use some of them to build up my own support in the party and on the left,” he says. “I’m putting all my chips on beating Netanyahu, nothing else.”

He believes that in order to make Labor a contender once more, he has to overhaul the party’s image – and if that angers the veteran leftists whom in private conversations he describes as “contractors of failure,” so be it.

Last week, at a crowded meeting organized by Labor’s student union at the Technion in Haifa, he told the party’s young supporters: “Why haven’t we won? We have a great team and if you present our positions to the public without saying this is Labor, most of the public would vote for them. We haven’t won because Netanyahu has created a politics of identity. What I’m trying to do is break the identity politics and stop people voting according to messages broadcast to their brains.”

As long as Netanyahu survives, the depth of his experience creates in the eyes of many wavering voters a seeming gulf between him and his challengers. Ironically, this recalls the image of the young Netanyahu in the early 1990s, challenging the veterans Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres – men who had helped build the state.

Some in Labor felt their only option was drafting in a former army general to take on Netanyahu. But the ex-generals seem to lack that burning desire necessary to run for prime minister, so instead Labor has a telecoms executive who may not have the CV but lacks nothing in ambition.

The Moroccan angle

Gabbay doesn’t have the epaulets (his short military career was as an intelligence officer on the Lebanon border), but he has a biography that straddles both sides of Israeli-Jewish society – a Moroccan family and childhood in a working-class Jerusalem neighborhood, followed by a stint as a civil servant in the elitist budget division of the Finance Ministry and a meteoric corporate career.

Though he was born in Israel in 1967, he can legitimately claim a connection to the generation of Mizrahim that suffered the degradation of the immigrant transit camps of the 1950s after moving to Israel from North Africa and the Middle East.

Gabbay is particularly interested in emphasizing this element of his biography. Though he hasn’t lived in the more traditional and right-leaning capital for years, right now Gabbay wants to be more Jerusalem than Tel Aviv – more traditional than liberal. A “Moroccan” from outside the Tel Aviv “bubble” may be able to access the reservoir of voters who have felt estranged from Labor for a generation. But Gabbay needs his Tel Aviv identity as well.

He isn’t Labor’s first Mizrahi leader. The Morocco-born Amir Peretz preceded him by over a decade. Peretz was a veteran union leader and no newcomer to politics, but his primary victory over Peres in 2005 was no less surprising than Gabbay’s. In the 2006 Knesset election, Labor under Peretz did better than Likud in many of the right-wing party’s working-class strongholds, but it still only helped the party to 19 Knesset seats.

Peretz became a byword for the aversion of Labor supporters to vote for a Mizrahi leader. No one in Labor has forgotten the footage of Peretz a few days after his election victory, speaking to a group of Jewish Diaspora leaders in broken English. Whether or not fluent English is a prerequisite for being an Israeli prime minister, it became a litmus test for a politician’s sophistication.

“Immediately after Gabbay was elected, they tried to say he didn’t have good English,” says Labor MK Hilik Bar. “They quickly discovered they can’t do that to him. He’s already given good interviews in English and appeared at international conferences.” Labor Party members of Moroccan origin, like Bar, are confident Gabbay will not be a second Peretz. “It’s like Gabbay suddenly appeared, tailor-made, for this moment in Israeli political history,” says Daniel Ben Simon, a former Labor MK and Haaretz journalist who focused much of his reporting on the uneasy integration of Mizrahi communities into contemporary Israel.

“Peretz won the leadership and Labor ran away from him,” Ben Simon notes. “Now with Gabbay they have a second chance. And I think the party understands he brings something new – that Gabbay understands that in Israeli society the fault lines are not between right-wingers who want to swallow the territories and leftists who want to give them back. He comes from a different place and can attract people who never dreamt of voting Labor.

“I speak to Moroccan Israelis all the time, and they admit to me how disgusted and ashamed they are with what is happening in Likud,” he continues. “They still see Labor as being aloof from Mizrahi voters, but Gabbay has no aloofness. He’s unassuming, unlike previous Labor leaders. And even when he’s giving a speech to 500 people, it’s like he’s chatting with friends in a café. Which is also why he makes mistakes in his speeches – but that doesn’t matter anymore in politics. Just look how Trump spoke at his rallies, made thousands of mistakes and still won.”

Gabbay’s supporters also note that the party’s new leader can appeal both to Mizrahi voters and the Ashkenazi middle-class. “He’s what we Moroccans call ‘a white Moroccan,’” says an aide to a former Labor leader.

“Amir [Peretz] spoke the language of the trade unions, of the ideological left,” says Emilie Moatti, a Labor election strategist who’s planning to run for the next Knesset. “Gabbay lives in north Tel Aviv, drives an expensive car and travels the world. He is a business success story who can appeal to Labor’s bourgeoisie elite.”

Moatti believes that in the decade since Peretz’s victory, Israeli society has also changed. “You have a lot more Mizrahim in prominent leadership positions. It’s become much more natural with the Israeli-born, second generation of Mizrahi immigration coming to the fore. Gabbay is their representative,” she says.

A new breed

Gabbay bristles when reminded that he lives in the same north Tel Aviv enclave as previous Labor leader Isaac Herzog and his main rival for the center ground, Yesh Atid Chairman Yair Lapid. He doesn’t want to be identified too closely with the old Ashkenazi elite. He needs to present himself as a new breed: the CEO who came from the immigrant transit camps, even though they had already closed when he was born in 1967.

Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid, June 2016. Dudu Bachar

He peppers his speeches with anecdotes and family stories. When he criticizes Netanyahu’s latest machinations, he says, “My grandmother would have called this hashuma” (Moroccan Arabic for “shame”). When talking about the shortcomings of the Israeli education system he notes: “My mother had eight years of formal education and my father never went to school. But I was a freak. The question is whether the national education system can help every kid from my background and not just the freaks.”

The same narrative is used for social mobility: “I’m one of eight brothers and sisters, and there’s nothing to inherit. But 25 years ago, when I left the army and started life, I knew we could get a mortgage and buy a small apartment. Today, you need hundreds of thousands of shekels from your parents to buy an apartment – and even if you can buy one, you’re enslaved by those four walls.”

Gabbay now belongs to the same millionaire class as Netanyahu, Herzog and Lapid, and as a gifted kid even attended the same elitist high school as the Netanyahu brothers. But he won’t let you forget he was born on the other side of the tracks.

But he also wants you to know he’s a cosmopolitan man of the world. He frequently uses English in his speeches – such as when he tells his listeners his high-school-teacher wife, Ayelet, gives him a nightly “download” on the failings of the school system. And of course he’s got the pop culture allusions: When he criticizes the government for wasting millions on a one-night celebration for 50 years of settlement activity, “it’s like Beyoncé arrived in Israel.”

Are both Avi Gabbays – the one who tweets photos of his mother’s Rosh Hashanah couscous and the sophisticated CEO who likes to use management-speak – real? Can an Israeli politician be both “Jerusalem” and “Tel Aviv”? Gabbay’s one shot at winning an election relies on convincing Israeli voters he is both.

But in politics, what often defines you is less those who identify with you, and more those you piss off.

Scandalizing the left

Since his election in July, Gabbay seems to have done everything he could to infuriate the Israeli left. Outside the student union hall in Haifa last week, much of the discussion before his arrival concerned his recent remarks. “I’ve voted Labor all my life,” one young student remarked to her friends. “I won’t be voting for Gabbay. He’s not even a leftist.”

Nominally, the leader of Labor is also the leader of the Israeli left. But since the days of David Ben-Gurion, Labor has generally been led by “defense hawks” and, since the mid-1980s, has hewn to neoliberal economic policies. It should really be regarded as centrist or even centrist-right.

Gabbay is on an express mission to rebrand Labor and recreate the hawkish image its forerunner, Mapai, enjoyed under Ben-Gurion. Anxious that the next election could take place in less than six months, he is going at it like a bulldozer – and to hell with whoever he insults along the way. In recent months, on a weekly basis, he has scandalized the left with a series of statements that many party members view as heretical.

In October, during a speech in Be’er Sheva, he said that should he be elected, his government coalition would not include the Joint List (the Arab alliance in the Knesset). In real political terms this was a meaningless statement, since no former coalition has ever included these parties and they have no interest in making the necessary compromises to be coalition members. But in saying so, Gabbay seemed to be pandering to right-wing, anti-Arab sentiment. Two weeks later, he compounded this by stating that Labor’s only Arab MK, Zouheir Bahloul, had no place in the party after saying he would not attend the Knesset sessions marking the Balfour Declaration’s centenary.

Gabbay, who repeatedly says he supports the two-state solution, further angered many colleagues when he said that removing settlements in the West Bank was “unfeasible” and that in a future peace agreement with the Palestinians, there is a way for them to remain in place.

It was his remarks on Jewish identity that caused the greatest uproar, though. Gabbay presents himself as “traditional,” which in contemporary Israeli parlance translates as neither fully religious and Mitzvah-observant, but not fully secular either. He invited the chief rabbi to speak at his first Labor conference and carries a kippa in his pocket – and unlike most Israeli politicians, it looks natural when he puts it on. And when he said he can’t understand how you can be Jewish without believing in God, many Laborites squirmed awkwardly.

But when he quoted Netanyahu’s poisonous whisper from 20 years ago that “the left has forgotten what it means to be Jewish,” many felt he had crossed a red line. “You know what the left did in response?” Gabbay told students in Be’er Sheva. “They forgot what it means to be Jewish. It’s like they said, ‘OK, you said that – so from now on we’re just liberals.’”

For once, Gabbay apologized the next day to anyone who had been offended, explaining he was merely trying to say the left had allowed itself to be painted into a corner by Netanyahu and that it had equal claims over Jewish identity. But the damage had been done.

“Settlements and religion are radioactive issues,” complains one Labor MK. “Talking about them carelessly can be fatal. I get that Gabbay wants to be authentic and say what he really thinks and feels. But this isn’t a student union election.”

“It wasn’t just offensive. It also presented an ignorance on Gabbay’s part of the heritage of humanistic Judaism on the left,” says another Labor MK. “I hope he knows what he’s doing and that he’s really reaching new sections of the electorate. I’m not sure, but he’s the newly elected leader so we’ll have to go along with him.”

Gabbay is convinced the wider public wants politicians to address these issues – especially religion. He claims to have closely studied the last U.S. presidential election and drawn the conclusion that the Democrats lost to Donald Trump because they were detached from large parts of the electorate, especially religious voters, and that the Israeli left suffers the same problem.

Gabbay’s electoral strategy can be summarized thus: Most people agree about most things. He’s convinced that over two-thirds of voters agree that Israel must separate itself from the Palestinians. That they identify with traditional Jewish values, but don’t want to be coerced into observing religious strictures. And that they are in favor of a market economy, but want to see the government taking more responsibility for education, health and social services. Sounds simple, but if that truly is the case, why has Labor won only once in the last quarter of a century?

“Netanyahu’s power is that he has created this aura of being father-of-the-nation,” says one Labor MK. “It’s not that Israelis have any illusions about him, but the feeling among much of the public is that he will at least take care of our security. To beat him, a challenger has to give the public this feeling, and I don’t think Gabbay has that, so his chances of beating Netanyahu are very low. But there’s a chance Netanyahu won’t be able to run in the next election because of the corruption investigations. If that happens, the field is wide open.”

Labor MKs are wary of openly criticizing Gabbay. “We’re giving him enough rope to do his own thing,” says one MK, speaking anonymously. “Either it works or he hangs himself.”

Instead of speaking of Gabbay’s flaws, MKs fret about the lack of a figure with a security background in the party’s leadership. MK Omer Bar-Lev, another candidate in this year’s leadership primary, notes that he also ran on a campaign “saying to the party members we have been irrelevant for too long. Likud has run us off the field on the diplomatic and security issues, and as a former senior IDF officer I wanted us to reestablish our security credentials. Gabbay is trying to restore our credentials on tradition and religion. I agree we have to do that as well, but people vote for whoever they think can ensure their security.”

Avi Gabbay, in front of a portrait of former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. Olivier Fitoussi

“Gabbay is right that we have to reach beyond our center-left core and reach other parts of Israeli society to win,” says MK Bar. “But if you look at our last victories, it was when Labor was led by Yitzhak Rabin and Ehud Barak, who were both former IDF chiefs of staff. They brought that added value to Labor’s brand. Gabbay believes he can bring added value by talking about his childhood and reaching out to the working-class and Mizrahi sectors, and by talking about Jewish values.”

Gabbay himself insists his credentials as CEO of a large company prove he can run Israel’s military establishment and promises he will draft senior ex-generals to Labor’s leadership before the next election. But he is wary of putting too much store by military stars. One of his formative experiences as a young intelligence officer was a series of lectures 30 years ago by Gen. Yoel Ben-Porat, commander of the IDF’s signal intelligence collection unit in 1973. On the eve of the Yom Kippur War, he had warned that the Egyptians were about to attack Israel, but senior IDF officers – prisoners of the concept that Egypt wouldn’t attack – didn’t listen. Gabbay says he has questioned accepted concepts ever since. Now he’s challenging the concept that Labor can only win with a general at its helm.

Waiting for the vision

Gabbay is currently in the United States, on his first official foreign visit as Labor’s leader. He is scheduled to address the Saban Forum in Washington and may provide more details on his diplomatic policy. So far, though, it has been rather threadbare. He insists this is intentional, since he doesn’t want to disclose his conditions for a peace agreement with the Palestinians before he is actually negotiating with them as prime minister. He has more detailed social and economic policies, but it still seems a bit haphazard. Gabbay says he feels comfortable as a “retail politician” and that he isn’t tied down by any dogma. But Labor members, even those who support him, grumble that they have yet to see a clear vision from Gabbay.

The most detailed positions he is willing to talk about concern religion and state. And while his remarks have largely angered the secular left, his policies are more likely to create conflict with the ultra-Orthodox (or Haredim). He always speaks of his plan to allow municipalities to allow public transportation on Shabbat, “a basic social right for the poorer communities that have no other way of getting around.” But talking to Haaretz, he acknowledges this is just part of dismantling the “status quo” on religion that has existed in Israel for nearly 70 years.

No previous government, Labor or Likud, has opposed the status quo, but Gabbay believes it “has crawled in the direction of more religious stringency and against those who want to live freely in Israel. We have to redefine the status quo and our relationship with the ultra-Orthodox.”

Gabbay is also in favor of finally allowing civil marriage in Israel, though he acknowledges this will be difficult in a coalition that includes religious parties. He wants to gradually end the division in the educational system, initially by allocating preferential funding to “mixed” schools that accept children of all backgrounds, religious and secular, Jewish and Arab.

Gabbay’s olive branch to the Haredim is over military service. He’s against trying to coerce yeshiva students into joining the army. Instead, he proposes increasing the financial and academic benefits for combat soldiers in the hope it will induce more young Haredim to enlist and eliminate the resentment against yeshiva students who refuse to serve. But this is unlikely to mollify the Haredi politicians who view the status quo as sacrosanct.

Gabbay seems to believe he can either convince them to make hitherto-unmade compromises or become the first Labor prime minister in 40 years to form a coalition without needing an ultra-Orthodox party to make up a Knesset majority.

Mixed results

Gabbay’s hurried attempts to relocate Labor to the center of the political spectrum are showing mixed results. In the four months under Gabbay, Zionist Union (the Knesset alliance of which Labor is the main component) has rebounded from the single-digit results that polls were predicting in the last months of Herzog’s leadership and is now polling at 17 to 20 seats. That’s still not as good as the 24 seats Zionist Union won under Herzog in 2015 – and even that was insufficient to beat Netanyahu. What’s even more worrying is that Labor still trails Yesh Atid (polling at 20 to 24 seats) for second place, proving that, for now at least, Lapid is a more convincing centrist candidate.

Gabbay is convinced he can be prime minister six months from now, but he’s yet to become a household name and can still walk the streets incognito. “The good thing about all these statements angering the left is that Gabbay is now constantly in the headlines, like Herzog never was,” observes one Labor MK. “But will it bring us enough new voters to make up for those we seem to be losing in the polls to Yesh Atid and [the more left-wing] Meretz, and then enough to beat Likud?” To do that, he will have to break every rule in Israeli politics.


On May 14, 2015, the 34 th Government of the State of Israel received the confidence of the Knesset by a razor thin margin of 61-59. In that vote the 24 Zionist Union MKs voted against the appointment of Environmental Protection Minister Avi Gabbay. Following his surprise upset victory in the Labor Party primary Gabbay will now lead the faction that led the vote against the launch of his political career.

Gabbay wasn’t elected to the 20 th Knesset or to any previous Knesset. He is a rookie politician with little experience. His political experience can be summarized in one sentence: He worked on the Kulanu campaign and afterwards was appointed as a non-MK minister in Netanyahu’s government. Of the three portfolios that Kulanu received in 2015, he was given the least prestigious. Gabbay was one of the least known Israeli Ministers. He was left out of the great majority of public polling that measured Israel’s top ministers. There was only one public poll that measured the public opinion of all Israeli ministers. Panels conducted it for Maariv & The Jerusalem Post, and it was published on March 18, 2016. It measured the grade of each one of the 19 ministers at the time on a scale from 1 to 10 in terms of how well they did their job. Gabbay finished in the middle with a tie for 9 th place and a 4.9 rating.

Many people only learned who Gabbay was when he resigned as minister on May 27, 2016, in protest of Yisrael Beitenu entering the coalition. Gabbay joined the Labor Party in late December, and less than six months later has just been elected to lead it. Gabbay defeated the entire establishment and party machine of the old guard. Gabbay closed the gap of a 1,746 vote deficit with the favorite, Amir Peretz, and defeated him by 1,346 votes. Of the 52,505 eligible primary voters, 30,998 voted in the first round and that number did not drop off in the second round with 30,916. Peretz only improved from 10,141 votes in the first round to 14,734 in the second round. Gabbay almost doubled his numbers from 8,395 votes in the first round to 16,080 votes in the second round.

Now the real questions start. Does Gabbay use his reserved slot in the next election to add his friend Moshe Yaalon, who opposes a two state solution, to the party? Can Gabbay maintain the existing alliance with Livni? Will Gabbay be able to successfully sabotage possible break-off attempts by various MKs? Will Herzog agree to stay on as Opposition Leader for the entire term or will he eventually leave over a future disagreement? If Herzog is removed as Opposition Leader, who replaces him? Will Gabbay be able to work together with Peretz? Despite the bad blood between them, would Kahlon agree to join a future Gabbay coalition? Would Lapid? Are this week’s favorable snap-poll results a sign of things to come or just a temporary artificial fluke? How will Gabbay manage to do all of that with such little political experience? Those questions will take time to answer.

We can start by exploring one question that we might be able to answer: How did Gabbay win?

Democratic primaries are a beautiful thing. It is a real pity that only three of the ten Knesset lists choose their leaders through primaries. Democratic primaries are the only system where each party member has an equal say in choosing their leadership and the direction of their party. It is also an unpredictable system where the entire leadership of a party can find themselves overthrown overnight. That is the reasoning of why seven of the ten Knesset lists object to the democratic primary system. The seasoned and experienced veteran can lose to the naïve and idealistic newcomer.

Amir Peretz is the most senior member of the Israeli Knesset, first elected to the Knesset in 1988. He emerged as the first round winner. For the second round Peretz picked up the endorsements of the first round’s third and fourth place finishers. Overall MK Peretz received endorsements from 10 MKs: Isaac Herzog, Erel Margalit, Merav Michaeli, Itzik Shmuli, Hilik Bar, Nachman Shai, Manuel Trajtenberg, Revital Swid, Eitan Broshi and Ayelet Nahmias-Verbin. Additionally, Peretz had the endorsements of Histadrut Chairman Avi Nissenkorn, Jewish National Fund Danny Atar and many other external interest groups. He was clearly the consensus establishment candidate.

Omer Barlev, who finished in fifth place in the first round, decided not to endorse either candidate. Tzipi Livni and her MKs Eyal Ben Reuven, Ksenia Svetlova, Yael Cohen Paran and Yoel Hasson did not endorse either.

Gabbay finished the first round with the backing of former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, a candidate who withdrew (Aviram Levin) and two MKs Michal Biran and Yossi Yonah. He picked up five MKs’ endorsements for the second round: Shelly Yachimovich, Eitan Cabel, Stav Shafir, Micky Rosenthal and Zouheir Bahloul.

Gabbay pulled out a victory despite not receiving the support of more than two thirds of the Zionist Union Faction MKs and failing to receive the endorsements of the failed first round candidates. How did Gabbay leapfrog over Peretz? Was it really his last-minute endorsements? His highest profile allies Shelly Yachimovich, Eitan Cabel and Stav Shafir spent a large portion of Election Day in the Knesset and not on the campaign trail. Was it an anti-Peretz sentiment? Most people thought Peretz was going to win.

Perhaps the answer is that Labor voters decided not to be disciplined and instead of falling in line voted against the Zionist Union that they had chosen 28 months beforehand. Perhaps the Labor voters were happy to vote for an outsider that is not responsible for the past, is perceived as a centrist, and had a mediocre 4.9 rating out of 10. Perhaps the Labor voter wanted to send a message to the entire establishment and machine that the vote was actually against them, even if that means that the vote was for someone who until recently served as a minister in the Netanyahu government they want to replace.

Perhaps the Labor party members are done with the old Labor Party that no longer represented them and that is why they voted for a new Labor Party.


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On Monday, over 30,000 of the Labor Party's 52,000 members voted to decide which of them will be the party’s new leader after the two finished at the top last week's vote. Avi Gabbay received 16,080 votes, and Amir Peretz received 14,734, with 59 percent of party members voting.

Avi Gabbay won Monday's Labor Party primary to become the new head of the party, taking 52 percent of the vote, and beating Amir Peretz, a former party leader and defense minister. July 10 2017 Ofer Vaknin

In a speech to supporters after his victory, Gabbay called for party unity, urging his defeated rival Peretz to stand by his side.

"Tomorrow the election campaign to replace the government in Israel begins," Gabbay said. The new Labor leader, who is not a Knesset member, also reiterated his call to ousted party leader Isaac Herzog to continue serving as the chairman of the opposition in the Knesset.

Avi Gabbay won Monday's Labor Party primary to become the new head of the party, taking 52 percent of the vote, and beating Amir Peretz, a former party leader and defense minister. July 10 2017 Moti Milrod

In response to the election results, Peretz congratulated Gabbay for his victory, calling him a "key partner in the mission to replace the Netanyahu government."

Peretz said he accepted the results and vowed to work to support Gabbay.

While voting was still going on, Gabbay, a businessman with almost no political experience, said "there is intensive involvement from other parties" in the vote.

The statement was taken by some to mean that the leaders of other parties in Israel, like Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, would prefer that Peretz - and not Gabbay - win the party's leadership.

Former party Chairman Herzog commended Gabbay on the "impressive victory," stressing his support and determination to work with him to replace the current government.


Pogledajte video: Знакомьтесь, Ави Габай (Novembar 2021).

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