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Govor predsjednika Kennedyja na Univerzitetu Washington 16. novembra 1961. - Historija

Govor predsjednika Kennedyja na Univerzitetu Washington 16. novembra 1961. - Historija

Predsjedniče Odegaard, članovi regenta, članovi fakulteta, studenti, dame i gospodo: Velika mi je čast u ime naroda Sjedinjenih Država čestitati vam stogodišnjicu ovog univerziteta koji predstavlja 100 godine službe u ovoj državi i državi. Ova nacija u dva najkritičnija vremena u životu naše zemlje, jednom u danima nakon revolucije u pravilniku o sjeverozapadu na koji se doktor Odegaard pozvao, i opet u najtežim danima građanskog rata, u Morrill -ovom zakonu koji osnovavši naše koledže za dodjelu zemljišta, ova nacija se osnovno obavezala na održavanje obrazovanja, upravo iz razloga koje je naveo Thomas Jefferson, da ako ova nacija ostane slobodna, ne može ostati u neznanju. Osnova samoupravljanja i slobode zahtijeva razvoj karaktera i suzdržanosti, upornosti i dugog pogleda. A to su kvalitete koje zahtijevaju mnogo godina obuke i obrazovanja. Tako da mislim da su ovaj univerzitet i drugi poput njega u cijeloj zemlji, te njegovi diplomci, prepoznali da te škole ne održavaju ljudi u različitim državama kako bi maturantima ovih škola samo dali ekonomsku prednost u životnoj borbi . Umjesto toga, naše škole podržavaju ove škole jer naši ljudi shvaćaju da je ovoj zemlji u prošlosti bili potrebni, a danas su potrebni kao nikada prije, obrazovani muškarci i žene koji su predani dobrobiti slobode. Zato vas pozdravljam zbog onoga što je ovaj Univerzitet radio u prošlosti i onoga što njegovi diplomci mogu učiniti sada i u budućnosti.

Ovaj univerzitet je zaokružen kada je već počeo građanski rat, a niko nije mogao biti siguran 1861. da li će ova zemlja preživjeti. Ali slika koju student 1961. godine ima o svijetu, i zaista slika koju naši građani imaju o svijetu, beskrajno je složenija i beskrajno opasnija. Godine 1961. svjetski odnosi ove zemlje postali su zamršeni i složeni. Jedan od naših bivših saveznika postao je naš protivnik-i on ima svoje protivnike koji nam nisu saveznici. Heroji su uklonjeni sa svojih grobnica-povijest je prepisana-nazivi gradova promijenili su se preko noći.

Povećavamo svoje ruke uz velike troškove, prvenstveno kako bismo bili sigurni da ih nećemo morati koristiti. Moramo se suočiti s mogućnošću rata, ako želimo održati mir. Moramo raditi s određenim zemljama kojima nedostaje sloboda kako bismo ojačali cilj slobode. Nalazimo neke koji sebe nazivaju neutralnima, koji su nam prijatelji i simpatični, i druge koji sebe nazivaju neutralnima, koji su nam neprestano neprijateljski raspoloženi. I kao najmoćniji branitelj slobode na zemlji, nalazimo se nesposobni da pobjegnemo od odgovornosti slobode, a ipak nesposobni da je ostvarimo bez ograničenja koja nameću same slobode koje želimo zaštititi.

Ne možemo se kao slobodna nacija natjecati s našim protivnicima u taktikama terora, atentata, lažnih obećanja, krivotvorenih mafija i kriza.

Ne možemo, pod lupom slobodne štampe i javnosti, pričati različite priče različitoj publici, stranoj i domaćoj, prijateljskoj i neprijateljskoj.

Ne možemo napustiti spore procese savjetovanja sa svojim saveznicima kako bismo se uskladili sa brzom sposobnošću onih koji samo diktiraju svojim satelitima.

Ne možemo napustiti niti kontrolirati međunarodnu organizaciju u kojoj sada dajemo manje od 1 posto glasova u Generalnoj skupštini.

Posjedujemo oružje ogromne moći-ali ono je najmanje učinkovito u borbi protiv oružja koje najčešće koriste neprijatelji slobode: subverzija, infiltracija, gerilski rat, građanski nered.

Šaljemo oružje drugim narodima-baš kao što im šaljemo ideale demokratije u koje vjerujemo-ali ne možemo im poslati volju da se tim oružjem koriste ili da se pridržavaju tih ideala. I dok vjerujemo ne samo u snagu oružja, već u snagu prava i razuma, naučili smo da se razum ne sviđa uvijek nerazumnim ljudima-da nije uvijek tačno da "meki odgovor odvraća gnjev"- -i to pravo ne čini uvijek moć.

Ukratko, moramo se suočiti s problemima koji ne podliježu lakim, brzim ili trajnim rješenjima. Moramo se suočiti s činjenicom da Sjedinjene Države nisu ni svemoćne ni sveznajuće-da smo samo 6 posto svjetske populacije-da ne možemo nametnuti svoju volju ostalim 94 posto čovječanstva-da ne možemo ispraviti svako zlo ili preokrenuti svaku nedaću-i da stoga ne može postojati američko rješenje za svaki svjetski problem.

Ova opterećenja i frustracije većina Amerikanaca prihvaća sa zrelošću i razumijevanjem. Oni mogu čeznuti za danima kada je rat značio nabijanje brda San Juan-ili kada su našu izolaciju čuvala dva okeana-ili kada je atomska bomba bila samo naša-ili kada je veći dio industrijaliziranog svijeta ovisio o našim resursima i našoj pomoći . Ali sada znaju da su ti dani prošli-i da su s njima otišli stare politike i stara samozadovoljstva. I oni također znaju da moramo maksimalno iskoristiti naše nove probleme i nove mogućnosti, bez obzira na rizik i cijenu.

Ali postoje i drugi koji ne mogu podnijeti teret duge borbe u sumrak. Nedostaje im povjerenje u naše dugoročne sposobnosti da preživimo i uspijemo. Mrzeći komunizam, ipak vide komunizam na duže staze, možda, kao val budućnosti. I žele neko brzo i jednostavno i konačno i jeftino rješenje-sada. Postoje dvije grupe ovih frustriranih građana, koji su daleko različiti u svojim stavovima, ali vrlo slični u svom pristupu. S jedne strane su oni koji nas pozivaju na ono što ja smatram putem predaje-umirivanja naših neprijatelja, kompromitiranja naših obaveza, kupovine mira po svaku cijenu, odricanja od našeg oružja, naših prijatelja, naših obaveza. Da je njihov stav prevladao, svijet slobodnog izbora danas bi bio manji. S druge strane su oni koji nas pozivaju na ono što smatram ratnim putem: izjednačavanje pregovora sa smirivanjem i zamjenu krutosti čvrstinom. Da je njihov stav prevladao, mi bismo danas bili u ratu i to na više mjesta.

Zanimljiva je činjenica da svaka od ovih krajnjih suprotnosti nalikuje drugoj. Svaki vjeruje da imamo samo dva izbora: smirenje ili rat, samoubistvo ili predaju, poniženje ili holokaust, biti Crveni ili mrtvi. Svaka strana vidi samo "tvrde" i "meke" nacije, tvrdu i meku politiku, tvrde i meke ljude. Svaki vjeruje da svaki odmak od vlastitog kursa neizbježno vodi drugom: jedna grupa vjeruje da svako mirno rješenje znači smirenje; drugi vjeruje da svako nagomilavanje oružja znači rat. Jedna grupa sve ostale smatra ratnim huškačima, druga sve ostale kao smirivače. Nijedna strana ne priznaje da će njen put dovesti do katastrofe-ali niti nam može reći kako ili gdje povući crtu nakon što se spustimo po klizavim padinama smirivanja ili stalne intervencije.

Ukratko, iako obje krajnosti tvrde da su pravi realisti našeg doba, niti jedna ne može biti nerealnija. Iako obojica tvrde da naciji čine uslugu, ne bi mogli učiniti veću medvjeđu uslugu. Ova vrsta razgovora i laka rješenja teških problema, ako se vjeruje, mogli bi izazvati nedostatak povjerenja među našim ljudima kada svi oni-prije svega-moraju biti jedinstveni u prepoznavanju dugih i teških dana koji su pred njima. To bi moglo izazvati neizvjesnost među našim saveznicima kada prije svega moraju biti sigurni u nas. A što je još opasnije, moglo bi, ako se vjeruje, izazvati sumnju među našim protivnicima kada prije svega moraju biti uvjereni da ćemo braniti svoje vitalne interese.

Suštinska činjenica koju obje ove grupe ne shvaćaju je da diplomatija i odbrana ne zamjenjuju jedna drugu. I jedno i drugo ne bi uspjelo. Spremnost na otpor sili, bez pratnje spremnosti na razgovor, mogla bi izazvati ratobornost-dok bi spremnost za razgovor, bez pratnje spremnosti na otpor sili, mogla izazvati katastrofu.

Ali sve dok znamo šta uključuje naše vitalne interese i naše dugoročne ciljeve, nemamo se čega bojati pregovora u odgovarajuće vrijeme i nemamo ništa zaraditi ako odbijemo u njima sudjelovati. U vrijeme kada je jedan sukob mogao preko noći prerasti u holokaust oblaka gljiva, velika sila ne dokazuje svoju čvrstinu prepuštajući zadatak da istražuje namjere drugih stražarima ili onima bez pune odgovornosti. Niti se može s pravom upotrijebiti vrhunsko oružje, niti krajnja žrtva s pravom zahtijevati od naših građana, sve dok se ne istraže sva razumna rješenja. "Koliko je ratova", napisao je Winston Churchill, "spriječeno strpljenjem i upornom dobrom voljom! ... Koliko su ratova izazvali vatrogasci!" Ako se vitalni interesi pod prisilom mogu očuvati mirnim putem, pregovori će to otkriti. Ako naš protivnik prihvati samo ustupak naših prava, pregovori će to otkriti. A ako će se pregovori održati, ova nacija ne može abdicirati svojim protivnicima zadatak odabira foruma, okvira i vremena.

Jer postoje pažljivo određene granice unutar kojih se moraju održati ozbiljni pregovori. U pogledu bilo kakvih budućih razgovora o Njemačkoj i Berlinu, na primjer, ne možemo, s jedne strane, ograničiti naše prijedloge na listu ustupaka koje smo spremni učiniti, niti možemo, s druge strane, unaprijediti bilo koje prijedloge koji kompromitiraju sigurnost slobodnih Nijemaca i Zapadnih Berlinaca ili ugroziti njihove veze sa Zapadom. Niko ne smije imati iluziju da pregovori radi pregovora uvijek unapređuju mir. Ako zbog nedostatka pripreme prekinu gorčinu, izgledi za mir su ugroženi. Ako se od njih napravi forum za propagandu ili paravan za agresiju, procesi mira su zloupotrijebljeni.

Ali to je test naše nacionalne zrelosti da prihvatimo činjenicu da pregovori nisu nadmetanje koje označava pobjedu ili poraz. Možda će uspeti-možda neće uspeti. Vjerovatno će biti uspješni samo ako obje strane postignu sporazum koji obje smatraju boljim od statusa quo-sporazum u kojem svaka strana može smatrati da se njena situacija poboljšava. A to je najteže postići.

Ali, dok ćemo slobodno pregovarati, nećemo pregovarati o slobodi. Naš odgovor na klasično pitanje Patricka Henryja i dalje je ne-život nije toliko drag, a mir nije toliko dragocjen, "da se kupi po cijeni lanaca i ropstva". I to je naš odgovor iako, po prvi put nakon drevnih bitaka između grčkih gradova-država, rat uključuje prijetnju potpunog uništenja, svega što znamo, samog društva. Da bismo spasili buduću slobodu čovječanstva, moramo se suočiti sa svim rizicima koji su neophodni. Uvijek ćemo tražiti mir-ali nikada se nećemo predati.

Ukratko, mi nismo "ratni huškači" ni "smirivači", ni "tvrdi" ni "meki". Mi smo Amerikanci, odlučni u odbrani granica slobode, časnim mirom ako je mir moguć, ali oružjem ako se oružje koristi protiv nas.

A ako želimo napredovati u tom duhu, trebat će nam svi mirni i promišljeni građani koje ovaj veliki univerzitet može proizvesti, svo svjetlo koje mogu baciti, sva mudrost koju mogu donijeti. Uobičajeno je, i ovdje i širom svijeta, život u Sjedinjenim Državama smatrati lakim. Naše prednosti su mnoge. No, više nego bilo koji drugi narod na svijetu, mi snosimo teret i prihvaćamo rizike bez presedana po njihovoj veličini i trajanju, ne samo za nas same, već za sve koji žele biti slobodni. Nijedna druga generacija slobodnih ljudi u bilo kojoj zemlji nikada se nije suočila sa toliko i tako teškim izazovima, pa čak ni oni koji su živjeli u danima kada je ovaj univerzitet osnovan 1861.

Ovu naciju je tada rastrgao rat. Ova teritorija je imala samo najjednostavnije elemente civilizacije. I ovaj grad je jedva počeo funkcionirati. No, jedno od njihovih prvih razmišljanja bilo je sveučilište-i saželi su ga u moto koji su usvojili: "Neka bude svjetlo." Šta se danas može reći o svim mračnim i zamršenim problemima s kojima se suočavamo nego: Neka bude svjetlo. A da bi se postiglo to osvjetljenje, Univerzitet u Washingtonu će i dalje držati baklju visoko.


Mossback 's Northwest: JFK 's tajna posjeta svjetskom sajmu Seattle 's

Rijetka fotografija prikazuje zaobilaženje predsjednika Kennedyja 1961. ispod nedovršene svemirske igle.

Knute Berger gleda kroz kameru koju je fotograf George Gulacsik koristio za dokumentiranje obilaska predsjednika Johna F. Kennedyja 1961. godine kroz prostore Svjetske izložbe. (Resti Bagcal/Crosscut)

Svjetski sajam u Seattleu 1962. godine, koji se naziva i izložba Century 21, govorio je o budućnosti, ali ukorijenjen je u sadašnjoj politici. Organizatori nisu željeli ništa drugo do posjetu predsjednika Johna F. Kennedyja. To se nije dogodilo. Ili jeste?

Sajam je bio planiran za vrijeme Eisenhowerove administracije i svemirske trke koju je vodio Sputnik krajem 1950-ih, ali je ostvaren tokom Kennedyjeve Nove granice s prvim uspješnim američkim svemirskim letovima s ljudskom posadom.

Organizatori iz Seattlea - dvostranačka grupa - željeli su Kennedyjev pečat odobrenja za sajam i očajnički su htjeli da dođe lično. Ipak, nije mogao prisustvovati otvaranju, iako je sajam otvorio telefonom u aprilu 1962. Obećao je da će doći na zatvaranje sajma, ali je preklinjao jer je došao sa greškom. Nije. Došao je u krizu s kubanskim raketama, i to je bio pravi razlog otkazivanja njegovog pojavljivanja.

Sajam je bio uspješan, ali Seattle se osjećao pomalo utučeno.

Ali JFK je u stvari prošao kroz sajam dok se gradio. U novembru 1961. predsjednik je došao u Sijetl da održi veliki govor na Univerzitetu u Vašingtonu. Kada je sletio, lokalni pojačivači su mu dali zlatnu kartu za sajam. Takođe mu je priređena velika parada kroz centar grada.

Njegova povorka krenula je zaobilaznim putem i projurila kroz gradilište sajma na cesti koja prolazi između onoga što je trebalo biti Gej put (kasnije Zabavna šuma) i Memorijalnog stadiona. Na toj kratkoj vožnji, JFK je vidio Space Needle u izgradnji i bacio pogled na sajam pet mjeseci prije nego što je otvoren.

Dokaz o ovoj vožnji nije postojao prije nekoliko godina, kada je otkrivena fotografija vožnje JFK-ovog automobila. Fotograf je bio George Gulacsik, koji je angažovan da dokumentuje izgradnju svemirske igle. Gotovo svakodnevno vodio je račun u bilježnici. Dok sam istraživao, pronašao sam zapis u toj bilježnici za 16. novembar: "Predsjednik je posjetio Century 21. Nije stao - prošao je kroz njega."

I eto, postojao je fotografski dokaz: snimak Kennedyjevog automobila s predsjednikovim profilom koji se može identificirati pod povećanjem. Sjena novopodignute Igle je vidljiva. Gulacsik je snimio sliku sa Igle. Trenutak je bio kratak, ali je posjeta Camelota uredno zabilježena za potomstvo. Koliko ja znam, ovo je jedina poznata fotografija JFK -a na sajmištu. Ali možete vidjeti na slici da je bilo i gledalaca s kamerama - ljudi koji su bili još bliže akciji.

Fotografije, bilježnica i fotoaparat Georgea Gulacsika sada se nalaze u zbirci Javne biblioteke Sijetla, a njegove slike su digitalizovane za javnost.


Kennedys i King

Novo! JFK atentat: Dokazi danas, s predgovorom Olivera Stonea

Emitiranje uživo, četvrtkom

18:00 - 19:30 PST (9-10: 30pm EST)

Izdana sudbina: JFK, Kuba i Garrison Case, Drugo izdanje

Ubistva: Probe Magazin o JFK -u, MLK -u, RFK -u i Malcolmu X -u

Čitav Sonda časopis uključen CD

(Kliknite ovdje za indeks zadnjih izdanja.)

Smrt Roberta Kennedyja, poput predsjednika, bila je oplakana kao produžetak zala besmislenih nasilnih događaja, a duboke promjene koje su te smrti i hellip unijele u jednadžbu moći u Americi percipirane su kao slučajne i hellipse. Ono što je čudno nije da su neki ljudi mislili da je sve slučajno, već da je toliko inteligentnih ljudi odbilo vjerovati da bi to moglo biti nešto drugo. Ništa ne može grafički mjeriti koliko je ograničeno opće razumijevanje onoga što je moguće u Americi.


"Odlučujemo se za odlazak na Mjesec:" JFK -ov Mjesečev snimak

Kada je John F. Kennedy položio zakletvu na dužnost predsjednika Sjedinjenih Država 1961., planovi za istraživanje svemira bili su u toku i za Sjedinjene Države i za Sovjetski Savez.

Sovjeti su prednjačili - 12. aprila 1961. kosmonaut Jurij Gagarin jednom je u svemirskoj letjelici Vostok obišao Zemlju i vratio se bezbjedno. Gagarinov let je obavljen mjesec dana prije suborbitalnog leta američkog astronauta Alana Sheparda i 10 mjeseci prije nego što je astronaut John Glenn postao prvi Amerikanac koji je obišao Zemlju.

Odmah nakon Gagarinovog leta, predsjednik Kennedy želio je znati šta bi Sjedinjene Države mogle učiniti u svemiru da preuzmu vodstvo od Sovjeta.

Dana 20. aprila, Kennedy je poslao dopis potpredsjedniku Lyndonu B. Johnsonu, u kojem je izložio pitanja koja je želio da ispita s administratorom NASA -e Jamesom E. Webbom i ministrom obrane Robertom F. McNamarom. "Imamo li priliku pobijediti Sovjete postavljanjem laboratorija u svemir, ili putovanjem oko Mjeseca, ili raketom za slijetanje na Mjesec, ili raketom za odlazak na Mjesec i nazad sa čovjekom, ”Bila je njegova primarna briga. Osim stvari poput potrebnih troškova, Kennedy je htio znati: „Radimo li 24 sata dnevno na postojećim programima. Ako ne, zašto ne? ”

S tim pitanjem "ako ne, zašto ne", Johnson je anketirao lidere NASA -e i vojske. Izvijestio je da bi "uz snažne napore" Sjedinjene Države "mogle" pobijediti Sovjete slanjem čovjeka oko Mjeseca ili slijetanjem čovjeka na Mjesec.

U svibnju 1961. Webb i McNamara pripremili su dopis u kojem se opisuje budućnost američkog svemirskog istraživanja pod naslovom „Preporuke za naš nacionalni svemirski program: promjene, politike, ciljevi“.

U izvještaju se navodi da "za postizanje cilja slijetanja čovjeka na Mjesec i njegovog vraćanja na zemlju u posljednjem dijelu tekuće decenije potrebno je hitno pokretanje ubrzanog programa razvoja svemirskih letjelica", označenog kao projekt Apollo.

U nacrtu nove nacionalne svemirske politike, McNamara i Webb opisali su vrste projekata koje će svemirski program provoditi: „Projekti u svemiru mogu se izvoditi iz bilo kojeg od četiri glavna razloga. Oni mogu biti usmjereni na stjecanje naučnog znanja. Neki će u budućnosti imati komercijalnu ili uglavnom civilnu vrijednost. Nekoliko trenutnih programa imaju potencijalnu vojnu vrijednost za funkcije poput izviđanja i ranog upozoravanja. Konačno, neki svemirski projekti mogu se poduzeti uglavnom iz razloga nacionalnog prestiža. ”

Predsjednik Kennedy proveo je nekoliko tjedana procjenjujući američke mogućnosti da se natječe sa Sovjetima u svemiru. 25. maja 1961. najavio je cilj slijetanja čovjeka na Mjesec prije zajedničke sjednice Kongresa. U tom trenutku, ukupno vrijeme koje je Amerikanac proveo u svemiru bilo je jedva 15 minuta.

“. ako želimo pobijediti u bitci koja se sada vodi diljem svijeta između slobode i tiranije, dramatična postignuća u svemiru koja su se dogodila posljednjih sedmica trebala su nam svima, kao i Sputnjiku 1957., pokazati utjecaj ove avanture u glavama ljudi svuda. Sada je vrijeme da preduzmemo duže korake - vrijeme da ova nacija preuzme očito vodeću ulogu u postizanju svemira, što na mnogo načina može biti ključ naše budućnosti na Zemlji. . nikada nismo donijeli nacionalne odluke niti organizirali nacionalne resurse potrebne za takvo vodstvo. Nikada nismo odredili dugoročne ciljeve u hitnom vremenskom rasporedu. Prostor nam je sada otvoren i naša želja da podijelimo njegovo značenje nije vođena naporima drugih. Odlazimo u svemir jer sve što čovječanstvo mora poduzeti, slobodni ljudi moraju u potpunosti podijeliti.

Vjerujem da bi se ova nacija trebala posvetiti postizanju cilja, prije nego što ova decenija istekne, iskrcati čovjeka na Mjesec i sigurno ga vratiti na Zemlju. Nema jedinstvenog svemirskog projekta. bit će uzbudljivije, ili impresivnije za čovječanstvo, ili važnije. i ništa neće biti tako teško ili skupo postići. ” -Predsjednik John F. Kennedy, maj 1961

To je poruka koju će Kennedy ponoviti u svom obraćanju o stanju u Uniji iz 1962. godine i u svom čuvenom obraćanju na Univerzitetu Rice 12. septembra 1962., gdje je izjavio: "Odlučili smo otići na Mjesec u ovoj deceniji i raditi druge stvari, a ne jer su laki, ali zato što su teški. "

Nakon poziva predsjednika Kennedyja na ljudsko istraživanje Mjeseca, gotovo svi NASA -ini napori u svemiru okrenuli su se ka cilju slijetanja na Mjesec.

U deceniji koja je uslijedila, letjelice Ranger, Surveyor i Lunar Orbiter prikupile su podatke o Mjesecu. Trinaest robotskih svemirskih letjelica prenijelo je detaljne slike Mjeseca i tražilo mjesta slijetanja za ljudske istraživače. Godine 1969., osam godina nakon Kennedyjevog početnog izazova, dva američka astronauta napravila su "jedan veliki skok za čovječanstvo" - prvi put hodajući po Mjesecu.


Osnivački trenutak

Nakon jednodnevne kampanje za predsjednika, senator John F. Kennedy doputovao je 14. oktobra 1960. u 2:00 ujutro na Univerzitet Michigan u Ann Arbor, da odspava, a ne da predloži osnivanje međunarodne volonterske organizacije . Novinari su se povukli na noć, vjerujući da se neće dogoditi ništa zanimljivo.

Ali 10.000 studenata na univerzitetu čekalo je da čuje govor predsjedničkog kandidata, a upravo tamo, na stepenicama Unije Michigan, pokrenut je hrabri novi eksperiment u javnim službama. Okupljeni studenti čuli su budućeg predsjednika kako postavlja izazov: Koliko bi njih, upitao je, bilo voljno služiti svojoj zemlji i cilju mira živeći i radeći u svijetu u razvoju?

Reakcija je bila brza i entuzijastična, a od 1961. preko 240.000 Amerikanaca odgovorilo je na ovaj trajni izazov. Od tada je Mirovni korpus pokazao kako moć ideje može zarobiti maštu cijele nacije.

Slijedeći ideju koju je pokrenuo na Univerzitetu u Michiganu, predsjednik Kennedy je 1. marta 1961. potpisao izvršnu naredbu o osnivanju Mirovnog korpusa. Tri dana kasnije, R. Sargent Shriver postao je njen prvi direktor. Raspoređivanje je bilo brzo: volonteri su počeli služiti u pet zemalja 1961. Za nešto manje od šest godina, direktor Shriver je razvio programe u 55 zemalja sa više od 14.500 volontera.

Cijeli tekst Kennedyjevih primjedbi

& quotŽelim izraziti svoju zahvalnost vama, kao diplomcu istočnog Michigana, Univerziteta Harvard.

& quot; Dolazim ovdje večeras oduševljen što imam priliku reći jednu ili dvije riječi o ovoj kampanji koja dolazi u posljednje tri sedmice.

& quot; Mislim da je to na mnogo načina najvažnija kampanja od 1933. godine, ponajviše zbog problema koji pritiskaju Sjedinjene Države i mogućnosti koje će nam se pružiti šezdesetih godina. Prilika se mora iskoristiti, presudom predsjednika, snagom izvršne vlasti i saradnjom Kongresa. Mislim da kroz njih možemo napraviti najveću moguću razliku.

& quotKoliko ste vi koji ćete postati doktori, spremni provesti dane u Gani? Tehničari ili inženjeri, koliko vas je spremno raditi u službi vanjskih poslova i provesti živote putujući po svijetu? Mislim da će od vaše spremnosti da to učinite, ne samo da odslužite godinu ili dvije godine u službi, već i od vaše spremnosti da dio svog života doprinesete ovoj zemlji, odgovoriti može li se slobodno društvo natjecati. Mislim da može! I mislim da su Amerikanci spremni dati svoj doprinos. Ali napor mora biti daleko veći nego što smo ikada činili u prošlosti.

& quot; Zbog toga mi je drago što sam došao u Michigan, na ovaj univerzitet, jer ako nemamo te resurse u ovoj školi, ako ne shvatite prirodu onoga što se od vas traži, ova se zemlja ne može ɽ kretati kroz sljedećih 10 godina u period relativne snage.

& quotPa dolazim ovdje večeras u krevet! Ali takođe sam došao večeras da vas zamolim da se pridružite naporima.

& quotOvaj univerzitet. ovo je najduži kratki govor koji sam ikada održao. stoga ću ga dovršiti! Dopustite mi da zaključim, ovaj univerzitet ne održavaju njegovi alumni, niti država, samo da bi se njegovim diplomcima pomoglo da imaju ekonomsku prednost u životnoj borbi. Svakako da postoji veća svrha i siguran sam da je prepoznajete. Stoga se ne izvinjavam što sam tražio vašu podršku u ovoj kampanji. Došao sam večeras ovdje tražeći vašu podršku ovoj zemlji u narednoj deceniji.


Krize, upozorenja i DEFCONS, 1961-1976-II dio

Washington, DC, 8. aprila 2021. - Sjedinjene Američke Države i njeni evropski saveznici nisu se složili oko preporuke upotrebe nuklearnog oružja za signalizaciju rješenja i odvraćanja rata ako izbije ozbiljna kriza s Moskvom zbog Zapadnog Berlina, prema pregledu skinutih tajnih podataka koji je danas objavila nevladina Arhiva nacionalne sigurnosti.

Tokom savezničke rasprave saveznika o planiranju nepredviđenih situacija, objavljene danas prvi put, u julu 1962. godine, francuski diplomata je tvrdio da bi nuklearne demonstracije poslale poruku Sovjetima bez pokretanja "sveobuhvatnog rata". To bi „u Moskvi donijelo ideju da bi njihov sljedeći potez mogao biti posljednji“. Sličan stav zauzeo je i zapadnonjemački zvaničnik.

Sugerišući da bi rana upotreba nuklearnog oružja mogla biti posljednji potez, pomoćnik ministra odbrane Paul Nitze odvratio je, ukazujući na strašne rizike: "opasnosti od preuzimanja će se umnožiti" nakon što počne "nuklearno pregovaranje". Saveznici bi bili na "vrlo nepredvidljivom tlu kada odemo ovako daleko".

Samo nekoliko sedmica nakon ove rasprave, Moskva i Washington našli su se na rubu opasne konfrontacije zbog raspoređivanja projektila na Kubi koja je dovela američke strateške snage na DEFCON 2, najviši stupanj spremnosti snaga koji nije donio odluku o ulasku u rat.

Suština rasprave u julu 1962. jedno je od otkrića u današnjoj publikaciji, drugo u dvodijelnoj zbirci koja dokumentuje reakcije SAD-a na krizu tokom 1960-ih i 1970-ih kada su upozorene američke strateške snage ili kada su korišteni strateški bombarderi i operativne grupe nosača aviona za pokazivanje sile.

Takve vojne operacije predstavljale su uobičajeno poslovanje za globalnu silu sa svjetskim sigurnosnim i ekonomskim interesima i nizom savezničkih obaveza. Zbirka počinje Berlinskom krizom 1961.-1962. I završava sukobom 1976. sa Sjevernom Korejom zbog smrtonosnog incidenta obaranja stabala u Demilitarizovanoj zoni.

Krize, upozorenja i DEFCONS, 1961-1976-II dio

Od William Burr

Napetosti u istočnoj Aziji i na Bliskom istoku, te drugdje koje su dovele do kriza, uzbuna i demonstracija sile tokom 1950 -ih nastavile su se i u 1960 -im i 1970 -im. Jedan od njih, Berlinska kriza, uznemirio je dva predsjednika od kraja 1958. do početka 1960 -ih, iako nikada nije izbio u otvoreni sukob s Moskvom, imao je zabrinjavajući potencijal da se pretvori u nuklearni požar. Kako se kriza razvijala, SAD i njeni evropski saveznici nisu se složili oko toga može li upotreba nuklearnog oružja signalizirati rješavanje i odvraćanje od rata u krizi zbog pristupa Zapadnom Berlinu. Tokom rasprave o planiranju nepredviđenih situacija koja je prvi put objavljena danas, francuski diplomata je ustvrdio da bi nuklearne demonstracije poslale poruku Sovjetima bez pokretanja "sveobuhvatnog rata". To bi „u Moskvi donijelo ideju da bi njihov sljedeći potez mogao biti posljednji“. Sličan stav zauzeo je i zapadnonjemački zvaničnik.

Sugerišući da bi rana upotreba nuklearnog oružja mogla biti blizu posljednjeg koraka, pomoćnik ministra odbrane Paul Nitze ukazao je na strašne rizike: "opasnosti od preuzimanja će se umnožiti" kada počne "nuklearno pregovaranje". Saveznici bi bili na "vrlo nepredvidljivom tlu kada odemo ovako daleko".

Berlinska kriza koja je izmakla kontroli bila je ono što niko nije želio da se dogodi, uključujući i sovjetskog premijera Nikitu Hruščova. Ali samo nekoliko sedmica nakon rasprave u julu 1962. godine, Moskva i Washington bili su u opasnom sukobu zbog raspoređivanja projektila na Kubi. To je dovelo do prve veće upotrebe američkog sistema DEFCON. Tokom raketne krize, većina američkih snaga bila je u većoj pripravnosti, na DEFCON 3, ali s odobrenjem najviših civilnih vlasti, američke strateške nuklearne snage prešle su na DEFCON 2, najviši stupanj spremnosti snaga koji nije donio odluku o odlasku do rata.

Ova publikacija o upozorenjima i DEFCON-ovima, druga u dvodijelnoj zbirci, dokumentuje krize tokom 1960-ih i 1970-ih kada su upozorene američke strateške snage ili kada su strateški bombarderi i operativne grupe nosača aviona korišteni za demonstraciju sile. Takve vojne operacije predstavljale su uobičajeno poslovanje za globalnu silu sa svjetskim sigurnosnim i ekonomskim interesima i nizom savezničkih obaveza. Zbirka počinje Berlinskom krizom 1961.-1962., A završava sukobom 1976. sa Sjevernom Korejom zbog smrtonosnog incidenta obaranja stabala u Demilitarizovanoj zoni.

Iskustvo kubanske raketne krize učinilo je opipljivom veliku opasnost od nuklearnih sukoba i smanjilo njihovu učestalost. SAD nikada nisu prešle DEFCON 3 od 1962. godine, a raketna kriza bila je posljednja takva direktna američko-sovjetska vojna konfrontacija. Situacija u Berlinu ostala je problem, ali se nikada nije pretvorila u krizu. Naknadne krize, upozorenja i pokazivanje sile bile su posljedice razvoja u drugim područjima, od Bliskog istoka do Korejskog poluotoka, od kojih su neke uključivale sovjetske klijente i saveznike, ali nije bilo direktnih sukoba sa Sovjetskim Savezom - ili s Kinom, za to je važno. Zaista, nakon Kube, upozorenja SAC -a širom svijeta bila su rijetka.

Nakon Kube, jedini svjetski DEFCON dogodio se tokom napetosti na Bliskom istoku 1973. godine, kao pokazatelj sile da se obeshrabri (nevjerovatna) sovjetska intervencija. Još jedno nuklearno upozorenje bilo je tajno u oktobru 1969., s ciljem da izvrši pritisak na Sovjetski Savez da navede Sjevernovijetnamski pristanak u mirovnim pregovorima. Taktika nije uspjela, ali ostaje odličan primjer upitne upotrebe Richarda Nixona teorije ludila za utjecaj na diplomatske ishode.

Pokazivanje sile došlo je do sukoba s drugim igračem, Sjevernom Korejom, čiji je izrazito nacionalistički režim otišao daleko u jačanju avanturističkih napada na američke snage i vojno osoblje. Sjeverna Koreja 1968. zaplijenila u međunarodnim vodama američki špijunski brod, SAD Pueblo, proizveo je pokrete B-52 i nosača aviona kako bi podržao američke diplomatske poteze, ali je Bijela kuća tiho isključila stvarnu upotrebu sile. One use of the DEFCON system, localized to U.S. forces in South Korea, was called in August 1976 in response to the killing of U.S. Army officers at the DMZ, when they tried to trim a tree that was blocking the line of view. Instead of attacking the Koreans, the White House limited military actions to a higher alert posture and B-52 operations, while U.S. military personnel finished trimming the tree. Whether U.S. shows of force gave any impetus to Pyongyang’s interest in a nuclear weapons capability may be worth considering.

With archives and declassification shut down during the current COVID pandemic, several flash points in which U.S. naval power played a critical role are undocumented here. One is the 1971 South Asia crisis when a U.S. Navy task force steamed into the Bay of Bengal, apparently as a sign of opposition to India during its war with Pakistan. (See Part I of this posting series, Document 3). A study prepared by the Center for Naval Analysis (CAN) on U.S. and Soviet naval diplomacy in that crisis remains to be declassified and released.[1]

The activities of the Sixth Fleet during the Six Day War in the Middle East and the 1970 Jordan Crisis are also covered in the CNA chronology in Part I, Document 3 of this posting.[2] During the Jordan Crisis, Richard Nixon (perhaps looking back at Suez in 1956 and Lebanon in 1958) saw naval deployments and other shows of military force as an important element of the U.S. threat posture, especially if they involved Moscow. As Nixon explained in what was supposed to be an off-the-record press briefing, it was to U.S. advantage if the Soviets believed that he could take "irrational or unpredictable action.” Disclosing a key element of the madman approach that he had taken in October 1969, Nixon declared that “the real possibility of irrational American action is essential to the U.S.-Soviet relationship." Henry Kissinger took a similar approach in October 1973 when he approved a DEFCON 3 posture for U.S. forces in the Middle East War.[3]

Other incidents beyond the scope of this compilation involved another local DEFCON 3 in South Korea (when President Park Chung Hee was assassinated in 1979). Also relevant are the numerous naval deployments (and even bombardments) in the Middle East, such as in Lebanon during 1982 and 1983, when aircraft carriers and other 6 th Fleet forces supported Marine Corps units that were deployed for peacekeeping activities and then made a show of force when the Marines barracks were blown up in October 1983.


‘The heart has been cut out of us’: The assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963

President John F. Kennedy was assassinated on Nov. 22, 1963, when he was shot as he rode in a motorcade in Dallas, Texas.

Kennedy had started his term as the 35th president of the United States in January 1961.

Kennedy and his wife, Jacqueline, were riding in a motorcade from the airport headed to a luncheon where he was scheduled to speak. They were accompanied by Texas Governor John Connally and his wife, Nellie.

JFK and Connally were shot as the car passed the Texas School Book Depository.

The car sped off to Parkland Memorial Hospital where JFK was pronounced dead at 1 p.m. His body was taken to Air Force One where, before the plane took off, Lyndon B. Johnson was administered the oath of office at 2:38 p.m.

On the plane after he was sworn into office, Johnson, according to newspaper reports, called Rose Kennedy, JFK’s mother, to express his condolences. Lady Bird Johnson said to her, “We feel like the heart has been cut out of us.”

Connally was seriously injured and underwent surgery for wounds to his back, chest, wrist and thigh, according to history.com.

Kennedy and Connally were shot by Lee Harvey Oswald who was arrested for shooting Dallas police officer J.D. Tippit about 45 minutes after the shooting of Kennedy. Oswald was killed two days later by former Dallas nightclub owner Jack Ruby.

Across the globe, people were shocked and saddened by the president’s death. Sports events across the nation were canceled. Television stations cleared their schedules to air all coverage of the assassination.

The front page of The Patriot was entirely devoted to covering the assassination, as were several other pages. The headline across the top said: “Hidden Assassin Murders President”

“Suspect Charged After Death Stalks Dallas Motorcade”

A gunman assassinated president Kennedy from ambush yesterday with a high-powered rifle. Nearly 12 hours later, a 24-year-old man who professed love for the Soviet Union was charged with his murder. The charge was filed against Lee Harvey Oswald, 24. Officers said he was the man who hid on the fifth floor of a textbook warehouse and snapped off three quick shots that killed the President and wounded Gov. John B. Connally of Texas.

As the shots reverberated, blood sprang from the President’s face. He fell downward in the back seat of his car. His wife grasped his head and tried to lift it, crying, ‘Oh, no!’”

In Harrisburg, The Patriot reported, “News of President Kennedy’s death hit Harrisburg hard.

When the news broke here, people said: ‘It can’t be. I don’t believe it.’

In a matter of moments, the city was stunned.

A waitress in a Market Square restaurant said: ‘That man can’t die.’

A bus driver said: ‘No, no, it’s all wrong. Not him.’

But President Kennedy was dead. And Harrisburg was one of many cities facing the fact: ‘Our president was murdered.’”

After the assassination, Jacqueline Kennedy accompanied her husband’s body from Texas to Bethesda Naval Hospital.

The Patriot reported at the time that she went into seclusion with her children but not at the White House. John Jr. was 2 at the time, Caroline was five. Both children celebrated birthdays in the week after their father’s death. Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis died May 19, 1994. John Jr. died in an airplane crash July 16, 1999.

Kennedy visited Harrisburg in 1960 when he was campaigning for president and in 1962 after he was elected, he campaigned for others. His 1962 visit included a speech at the Farm Show Arena.

The Evening News reported on Sept. 16, 1960, that more than 9,000 people attended a dinner with Kennedy at Zembo Shrine Mosque and Scottish Rite Cathedral. Tents were set up on the lawn to accommodate the crowd.

On that visit, Kennedy made stops in Harrisburg, Lebanon, Reading, Lancaster, Columbia and York before heading to Baltimore.

The paper said he received “a rousing reception.”

His remarks in Market Square were brief – only 4 minutes. And, he was 65 minutes late. State employees had been released early so they could hear his speech.

The crowd in Reading was estimated at between 20,000 and 30,000 people.

“The reception in Reading was so enthusiastic the Massachusetts senator’s shirt was ripped in the crowd that swarmed over his motorcade.

Kennedy stopped at a filling station outside Reading and went into the owner’s cottage behind the station to change shirts.”

In 1962, the paper reported that 10,000 people heard Kennedy speak at the Farm Show.

His speech there was interrupted 19 times, according to the newspaper report, by “thunderous applause. At the end of his speech, which took less than 20 minutes, the tumultuous roar was greater than ever. Kennedy started the applause early with an introductory remark: ‘I will introduce myself. I am Teddy Kennedy’s brother.’”

Jacqueline Kennedy, widow of slain President John F. Kennedy, holds her children's hands outside St. Matthew's Cathedral in Washington, after funeral Mass for the president, Nov. 25, 1963. In front, from left: Caroline, Jacqueline and John F. Kennedy Jr. Behind them are the president's brothers, Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), left, and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. (AP Photo) AP

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President Kennedy’s Speech at Washington University on November 16, 1961 - History

Source: Eisenhower Library, Project Clean Up, Cuba. Official Use Only Niact .

2. Editorial Note

3. Memorandum for the Record

Source: Department of State, INR /IL Historical Files, Cuba Program, Nov 1960-Jan 20, 1961. Secret. Prepared by Barnes . According to a chronology prepared in the Central Intelligence Agency on May 24, 1961, entitled “Special Group Consideration of the Strike Force Concept,” those attending the meeting included Secretary of State Herter, Secretary of Defense Gates, Secretary of the Treasury Anderson , Director of Central Intelligence Dulles , Special Assistant for National Security Affairs Gray , Under Secretary of Defense James H. Douglas, Under Secretary of State Merchant, Assistant Secretary of State Mann , CIA Deputy Director for Plans Bissell , his assistant Tracy Barnes , and Brigadier General Andrew J. Goodpaster. The location of the meeting is not given. (Central Intelligence Agency, DDO/ LA /COG Files: Job 82-00679R, Box 3, Gen Maxwell Taylor , Green Study Group, Vol. II) The chronology covers the period November 1960 through January 1961 and is included in the Supplement.

4. Memorandum of Conversation Between Secretary of State Herter and Dean Rusk

Source: Eisenhower Library, Herter Papers, 1957-61. Tajna. Drafted by Herter. Dean Rusk was Secretary of State-designate.

5. Memorandum of Telephone Conversation Between Secretary of State Herter and President Eisenhower

Source: Eisenhower Library, Herter Papers, Telephone Conversations. No classification marking.

6. Memorandum for the Record

Source: Eisenhower Library, Project Clean Up, Cuba. No classification marking. Drafted by Goodpaster.

7. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Cuba

Source: Department of State, Central Files, 611.37/1-361. Unclassified Niact Verbatim Text. Drafted by Hurwitch and approved by Vallon. The text of the note is also printed in Department of State Bulletin , January 23, 1961, pp. 103-104.

8. Editorial Note

9. Memorandum From the Chief of WH /4/ PM , Central Intelligence Agency ( Hawkins ) to the Chief of WH /4 of the Directorate for Plans ( Esterline )

Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Countries Series, Cuba, Subjects, Taylor Report. Tajna. Branch 4 of the Western Hemishere Division was an internal task force created within the CIA in January 1960 to direct the Cuban project. J.D. Esterline became task force director on January 18, 1960. Esterline reported on the project to the Deputy Director for Plans, Richard M. Bissell , although Bissell ʼs principal aide, Tracy Barnes , who acted for Bissell about 50 percent of the time. Branch 4 began with a staff of 20 and grew by April 1961 to a staff of more than 500 with its own communications, propaganda, and military sections. Marine Corps Colonel Jack Hawkins was assigned to Branch 4 in September 1960, with direct responsibility for military training operations. (Minutes of the Paramilitary Study Group, May 22, 1961, Envelope 6 Naval Historical Center, Area Files, Bumpy Road Materials)

10. Editorial Note

11. Editorial Note

12. Memorandum From Secretary of State Herter to President Eisenhower

Source: Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, Dulles - Herter Series. Tajna. Initialed as seen by President Eisenhower . A handwritten note on the source text by Goodpaster, dated January 6, reads: “Told State President has approved.”

13. Memorandum From the Assistant to the Deputy Director (Plans) for Covert Operations ( Barnes ) to Director of Central Intelligence Dulles

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DCI Files: Job 85-00664R, Box 2, Vol. III, Part IV. Tajna.

14. Memorandum Prepared in the Central Intelligence Agency

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DDO/ LA /COG Files: Job 82-00679R, Box 3, Special Group Mtgs-Cuba. Secret Eyes Only. No drafting information is given.

15. Memorandum From the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs ( Merchant ) to Secretary of State Herter

Source: Department of State, Central Files, 711.56314/1-1061. Tajna. Drafted by Merchant.

16. Editorial Note

17. Memorandum Prepared in the Central Intelligence Agency

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DDO/ LA /COG Files: Job 82-00679R, Box 3, Special Group Mtgs-Cuba. Secret Eyes Only. No drafting information is given.

18. Memorandum of Conversation

Source: Department of State, INR /IL Historical Files, Cuba Program, Nov 1960-Jan 20, 1961. Top Secret. Drafted in M by E. Glion Curtis .

19. Staff Study Prepared in the Department of Defense

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DCI Files: Job 85-00664R, Box 1, Source Documents- DCI -8, Vol. I, Part III. Top Secret. The source text has a handwritten date of January 16 on a cover sheet. A handwritten note on the cover sheet, in an unknown hand, confirms that the evaluation was discussed on January 16 by the Interdepartmental Working Group on Cuba see Document 20.

20. Memorandum for the Files

Source: Department of State, INR /IL Historical Files, Cuba Program, Nov 1960-Jan 20, 1961. Secret. Drafted by Curtis .

21. Memorandum From the Assistant to the Deputy Director (Plans) for Covert Operations ( Barnes ) to the Chief of WH /4 of the Directorate for Plans ( Esterline ), Central Intelligence Agency

Source: Department of State, INR /IL Historical Files, Cuba Program, Nov 1960-Jan 20, 1961. Secret Eyes Only. Sent through the Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division.

22. Editorial Note

23. Memorandum Prepared in the Central Intelligence Agency

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DDO/ LA /COG Files: Job 82-00679R, Box 3, Special Group Mtgs-Cuba. Secret Eyes Only. No drafting information is given.

24. Memorandum of Conversation

Source: Department of State, INR /IL Historical Files, Cuba Program, Jan 21, 1961. Top Secret Eyes Only. Drafted on January 23 no other drafting information is given on the source text. For another record of the meeting, see Document 25.

25. Memorandum for the Record

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DCI Files: Job 85-00664R, Box 3, Vol. IV (6). Tajna. Drafted by Tracy Barnes on January 23.

26. Memorandum of Conference With President Kennedy

Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Chester V. Clifton Series, JCS Conferences with the President, Vol. I. Top Secret. Drafted on January 27 by Goodpaster.

27. Memorandum Prepared in the Central Intelligence Agency

Source: Central Intelligence Agency, DDO/DDP Files: Job 78-01450R, Box 5, Area Activity-Cuba. Top Secret. Drafted by Bissell for a Presidential briefing. The briefing apparently was that provided by Dulles to President Kennedy and other members of the new administration on January 28. For records of that meeting, see Documents 30 and 31.

28. Memorandum From the Joint Chiefs of Staff to Secretary of Defense McNamara

Source: Washington National Records Center, RG 330, OSD Files: FRC 65 A 3464, China-Cuba, 1961. Top Secret.

29. Memorandum From the Joint Chiefs of Staff to Secretary of Defense McNamara

Source: Washington National Records Center, RG 330, OASD / ISA Files: FRC 64 A 2382, Cuba 1961 000.1–092. Tajna.

30. Memorandum of Discussion

Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Countries Series, Cuba, General, 1/61-4/61. Top Secret Eyes Only. Drafted by Bundy and initialed by Kennedy . The meeting was held in the Cabinet Room. Another set of notes of this meeting, prepared by Lemnitzer , is in National Defense University, Lemnitzer Papers, Notes, Miscellaneous Meetings, 1961. Tracy Barnes also prepared a record of this meeting see Document 31.


Kennedy Presidential Limousine

The original car was a 1961 Lincoln Continental 4-door convertible.

Why was it called "X-100"?

X-100 was the code name given to the car by the Secret Service.

Who built the car?

Ford Motor Company assembled the car at its Lincoln plant in Wixom, Michigan in January 1961. Hess & Eisenhardt of Cincinnati, Ohio was responsible for customizing the car to function as a presidential parade limousine, literally cutting it in half, reinforcing it, extending it 3 ½feet in length, and making numerous other modifications. Ford Motor Company and Hess & Eisenhardt collaborated on engineering and styling. It debuted at the White House in June 1961. The car remained the property of the Ford Motor Company, which leased it to the Secret Service for the nominal price of $500 per year.

What did the car cost to build?

The car, as equipped at the Lincoln plant, would have retailed for $7,347. Custom built, the car cost nearly $200,000, according to Randy Mason ("The Saga of the 'X-100'").

What were some of the car's special features?

Special features on the 1961 limousine included:

  • Removable steel and transparent plastic roof panels
  • Hydraulic rear seat that could be raised 10½" to elevate the president
  • Massive heating and air conditioning system with auxiliary blowers and 2 control panels
  • Dark blue broadcloth lap robes with gray plush lining and hand-embroidered presidential seals in special door pockets
  • Four retractable steps for Secret Service agents
  • Two steps on rear bumper for additional agents
  • Flashing red lights, siren
  • Blue Mouton rug in rear
  • Indicator lights when door was ajar or steps out
  • Two flagstaffs, two spotlights
  • Auxiliary jump seats for extra passengers
  • Two radio telephones
  • Interior floodlights

In 1963 the car's grille was replaced by one from a 1962 model and 'sombrero'-style wheel covers like those of the 1957 Lincoln Premiere were added. Trunk lid grab handles for Secret Service agents were affixed as well.

What happened to the car after President Kennedy's assassination?

The X-100 was impounded for evidence in the weeks following the assassination on November 22, 1963. Soon after plans were made to modify the car in Cincinnati, Ohio and then return it to Washington D.C.

What was "Project D-2" or the "Quick Fix"?

Following the assassination of President Kennedy, a committee was formed (originally comprised of thirty people) of six people representing the Secret Service, Army Materials Research Center, Hess & Eisenhardt and Pittsburgh Plate Glass Company. The White House approved a plan for a revamp of the X-100 around December 12, 1963. Work was completed May 1, 1964 and extensive testing was performed in Cincinnati, Ohio and Dearborn, Michigan before the car was delivered to the White House in June. Costs have been estimated to exceed $500,000 and were shared by Ford Motor Company, some Ford suppliers and the federal government.

Basic elements of the revamp included:

  • Complete re-armoring of rear passenger compartment
  • Addition of permanent non-removable top ("greenhouse") to accommodate transparent armor
  • Replacement of engine with hand-built, high compression unit, providing approximately 17 percent more power
  • Addition of second air conditioning unit in trunk
  • Addition of certain electronic communication devices
  • Reinforcement of some mechanical and structural components, e.g. front wheel spindles and door hinges, to accommodate additional weight
  • Complete re-trimming of rear compartment, eliminating damage resulting from the assassination
  • New paint treatment, "regal Presidential Blue Metallic with silver metallic flakes that glitter under bright lights and sunshine" (May 1, 1964 report by Willard C. Hess of Hess & Eisenhardt)

What was "Project R-2"?

The X-100 underwent major modifications again in January 1967. These were also completed by Hess & Eisenhardt and included:

  • Revision of air conditioning system for greater cooling capacity
  • Conversion of right rear door, which had been 1 13/16” bullet-proof glass, to drop-glass actuated by heavy duty power regulator assembly
  • Reinforcement of deck lid with fiberglass to accommodate additional weight
  • Stripping of entire car to bare metal in order to remove dents and repaint body
  • Minor changes, such as addition of roof mounted grab handles

In the following ten years, other minor modifications were made as well. Front bumper guards were added and their built-in red flasher lights were replaced with red lights in the grille. During President Nixon’s stay in office, the large one-piece glass roof was replaced with one with a smaller glass area and a hinged panel. This would permit the president to stand during parades.

When was the car retired?

Although other presidential parade cars were built in 1968 and 1972, it was used occasionally by Presidents Johnson, Nixon, Ford and Carter. The X-100 remained in service until early 1977. The car is now exhibited to the public at the Henry Ford Museum in Dearborn, Michigan.


John F. Kennedy -The President and the Responsibility of the Press

While this speech has been quoted out of context for a variety of purposes, it’s an article that is especially salient today. Kennedy jokingly calls it The President and the Press, but goes on to say some might more correctly call it … The President Versus the Press, which evoked a chuckle out of me as I thought about the current relationship our President has with the media.

The speech discusses how during times of war, the press rises to the occasion, and understands that as Americans, it is all of our responsibility to protect and serve our Nation. After all, America had fought two world wars, and during the second, ran an entire campaign on “Loose Lips Sink Ships.”

But in 1961, America was faced with a new threat. It was not the typical threat that we were used to. It was not a threat of bombs or missiles, or troops. It was not a threat of invasion by force. It was a covert effort by determined enemies, who unlike America’s open and free society, were a closed society of brutal dictatorship, with iron fisted control on the press, the military, and the economy. It was an enemy, that had every intention of global domination.

After the second world war, and the first use of atomic weapons by the United States against Japan, the face of war was forever changed. America’s military might was fearsome, and the newest weapon on the stage was a horrible weapon of destruction that no nation wished to face. America’s enemies, and she still had them, even if they were afraid to overtly attack her, still plotted her destruction.

That enemy had evolved a new strategy. Applying pressure on America’s allies, engaging new allies, and weaponized its state media to confuse and blur the truth and discredit and oppose America at every turn. That threat was an existential threat to our way of life, whose methods included infiltration and subversion.

In the speech, Kennedy rightly says that there is no use in combatting this threat using the methods of the enemy. That he would not seek censorship of the media, and would not condone withholding valuable information from the American people, because he had “complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.” And that there was no use in winning a war, if our free and open society and our traditions did not survive with it.

Now as an active participant in the history since that time, certain alarm bells were rekindled by Kennedy’s words. For nearly a decade I have been sounding the alarm bells on communist influence on our education system, and with interviews and video’s of former KGB, it was quite apparent that Kennedy’s words were painfully true. America has been under continuous attack for the last 70 years.

The Former President went on to say that if the media was waiting for a Congressional Declaration of War as had happened in the past, no such declaration was forthcoming, but that the threat was just as great if not more so than in any shooting war. He was, of course, referring to the cold war.

But listening to the speech, it also became apparent that Kennedy was NOT speaking to the same media and press that we see today. He was speaking to men and women that he could count on to be responsible American’s first and foremost. To media is gone and dead. The media is no longer American, it is international, and those same forces that had long ago begun infiltrating our schools, are now in full control of the media.

Where Kennedy beseeched the press to inform people, they were not in the business of disinformation. We all believe that the cold war ended with the fall of the Soviet Union. Nije. The cold war ended because our enemy became so successful at hiding, that we could no longer figure out who our enemy actually was. But those same forces had now fully embedded themselves into the machine and were free to act with impunity.

It is said that the Devil’s greatest accomplishment was to convince the world that he did not exist.

The Devil’s greatest accomplishment was to convince the world that he did not exist.

But the devil was still there. Much as Hitler had once done, it recognized that the key to overthrowing America relied on influencing the youth so that as a new generation could enter the work force and political arena and corrupt America from within. Sadly, George Orwell’s 1984 was meant as a warning, but it had become a blue print.

Students were no longer taught to think for themselves, they were taught to think the way they were told to think. Anyone who thought for themselves was chastised. Critical thinking was discouraged … and history was re-written.
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As we have since learned from the 2016 election, the Democratic Party has been completely co-opted. The Party was caught conspiring to thwart the democratic process, rigging their own primary for President. No surprise here, the democrats have been the party of voter fraud for quite some time, registering dead voters, driving busses of voters from city to city, and opposing voter ID laws in the name of racism. But the democrats didn’t stop there. They realized that if you opened America’s elections to the world, the world could vote America out of existence. Today we have the Democrat majority leader blatantly calling the President racist for opposing non citizen voting rights.

But what happened in 2008 . The world may never know. Did the Democrats rig their primary then too ? At this point it is difficult to tell, as hindsight shows that both candidates were part of the ongoing efforts to bring America down. At some time over the last 50 years, the Democratic Party had morphed into the Communist Party. Were Kennedy alive to see his Party today, he would lament that his Country was already lost. What used to be Kennedy’s Democratic Party would be viewed as conservative today, and what today’s democrats have become, is openly Marxist.

56 years after Kennedy’s warning, America’s Schools, Media, and now Government had been infiltrated to the highest levels. I don’t for one minute believe that it is a coincidence that Barack Hussein Obama and Eric Holder were graduates of Columbia University. As a den of communism, Columbia University was also where professors Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven formulated a strategy to remake America by overloading its entitlement programs, and crushing America’s economy whereby a prepared group could step in and remake the Country in the model of Communism.

It would seem that all of the pieces were working and in place. Under Obama, entitlements sky rocketed. American debt soared from 9 trillion to 20 trillion, and the Fed robbed America blind by expanding its balance sheet and in essence dumping billions of dollars into the economy.

What most people don’t realize is that what the Fed did was no different than what Greece did. Greece stuck their hands into all of their citizens bank accounts and took 20% of their savings to reduce Government debt. The Fed did it by diluting our currency so that the money you had in savings would BUY 20% less. No, America would never have stood for what Greece did openly.

The fruits of Obama were everywhere to be seen.

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Riots became the new norm. A war on police ensued, seemingly un-stemmed by the CIC. America was being torn apart from within. History was rewritten, and generations of communist educated students filled the streets. And all through it, the machine stomped on the throats of anyone that objected, destroying them and labelling them Racists. The IRS was wielded like a cudgel against political opposition. Anyone that opposed the president was branded a racist. America had coined a new term. “White Privilege”, and the communist arm accelerated all of their activities while America seemed unable to form any kind of cohesive resistance.
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Yes, all of the Traditions and History that made America what it was, were systematically being dismantled to the point where saying “God Bless” you when someone sneezed, or “Merry Christmas” became an offensive act that Americans should be ashamed of. Burning the American flag was covered by free speech, but the Confederate Flag was racist and offensive. It has been clear for years now where this was headed. All of this to brainwash Americans into believing they were horrible, evil racists, and that the American Flag was the symbol of a hated empire.

Former President Obama even began his Presidency with an “Apology Tour”. Bowing to her enemies and abandoning her allies. We watched his cabinet enter into a bazaar collection of “Treaties” and agreements, which seemed to directly conflict with both the Constitution, and the very idea that America was its own country in charge of its own destiny. Constitutional battles broke out in courts across the Country, many of which were carefully crafted to give International Law, precedence over America’s own Constitution.

But what if it was not only a case of negligence on the part of the press …. What if it was instead, collusion on the part of the press, with America’s enemies? Why can we no longer trust what the press is reporting ? Kennedy’s words are on point with this, and it seems that America has used that concept of a cold war, or an undeclared war to enter into many a conflict. A war on drugs, a war on poverty, a war on terrorism …

In the end, as I have told so many people … go to the source yourself… and with that … to the tapes.


Pogledajte video: JFKS ADDRESS BEFORE THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY SEPTEMBER 25, 1961 (Decembar 2021).

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