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Muška liga za pravo glasa za žene

Muška liga za pravo glasa za žene

Iako se većina muškaraca protivila ideji da žene glasaju na parlamentarnim izborima, neki vodeći muški političari podržali su opće pravo glasa. Ovo je uključivalo nekoliko vodećih ličnosti Laburističke partije, uključujući Jamesa Keira Hardiea, Georgea Lansburyja, Harolda Laskija, Geralda Goulda i Philipa Snowdena. Još jedan laburistički političar, Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, pomogao je u finansiranju novina Votes for Women i osigurao kauciju za skoro hiljadu članica Ženske društveno-političke unije (WSPU) koje su uhapšene zbog kršenja zakona.

Robert Cecil, jedna od glavnih figura u Konzervativnoj stranci, također je podržavao, ali većina se potpuno protivila ideji glasovanja za žene. Nekoliko članova liberalne administracije, poput Davida Lloyda Georgea, također su se zalagali za to da se ženama omogući glasanje.

Godine 1907. nekoliko ljevičarskih intelektualaca, uključujući Henryja Nevinsona, Laurencea Housmana, Charlesa Corbetta, Henryja Brailsforda, CEM Joada, Izraela Zangwilla, Hugha Franklina, Henryja Harbena, Geralda Goulda, Charlesa Mansell-Moullina i još 32 čovjeka osnovali su Ligu muškaraca za pravo glasa za žene "s ciljem da se na pokret izvrši izborna moć muškaraca. Da se za žene dobije glas pod istim uslovima kao i oni na kojima se sada, ili u budućnosti, mogu dodijeliti muškarcima."

Na dodatnim izborima u Wimbledonu 1907. Bertrand Russell, bio je kandidat sufragista. Evelyn Sharp kasnije je tvrdila: "Nemoguće je precijeniti žrtve koje su oni (Henry Nevinson i Laurence Housman) i HN Brailsford, FW Pethick Lawrence, Harold Laski, Israel Zangwill, Gerald Gould, George Lansbury i mnogi drugi učinili da zadrže. naš pokret oslobođen nagovještaja seksualnog rata. "

Godine 1909. Muška liga za pravo glasa žena objavila je listu istaknutih muškaraca u korist ženskog prava glasa. Ovo je uključivalo 83 bivša ministra vlade, 49 crkvenih vođa, 24 visoka oficira vojske i mornarice, 86 akademika i pisaca E. Forstera, Thomasa Hardyja, H. G. Wellsa, Johna Masefielda i Arthura Pinera. Do 1910. imala je deset podružnica u Britaniji.

Muška liga za pravo glasa za žene nije imala političku partiju, bila je militantna u svojim metodama, ali je podržavala i Društveno-političku uniju žena i Ligu slobode žena. MRSZ se koncentriralo na "propagandni rad". Charles Mansell-Moullin bio je jedan od najaktivnijih članova. U pismu koje je objavio u časopisu The Daily Mirror 22. novembra 1910., požalio se na to kako se policija ponašala prema pripadnicima WSPU -a tokom demonstracija: "Sa ženama se postupalo najvećom brutalnošću. Gurali su ih na sve strane i bacali Policija im je iskrivila ruke dok ih gotovo nisu slomili. Palčevi su im bili prisilno savijeni unatrag, a mučeni su i na druge bezimene načine zbog kojih se čovjeku pozlilo pri prizoru ... To je učinila policija. bili su pored toga organizirane grupe dobro obučenih grubih ljudi koji su jurišali unatrag i naprijed kroz predstavništvo poput nogometnog tima, a da ih policija nije pokušala zaustaviti; ali su se zadovoljili time što su žene bacali i gazili po njima. "

U oktobru 1912. godine George Lansbury je odlučio skrenuti pažnju na nevolje zatvorenika WSPU-a, dajući ostavku na svoje mjesto u Donjem domu i boreći se na dodatnim izborima u korist glasova za žene. Lansbury je otkrio da se veliki broj muškaraca i dalje protivi jednakim pravima žena i poražen je sa 731 glasom. Naredne godine bio je zatvoren zbog govora u korist sufražeta koji su bili uključeni u ilegalne aktivnosti. Dok je bio u Pentonvilleu, štrajkovao je glađu i na kraju je pušten prema Zakonu o mačkama i miševima.

C. Joad je bila još jedna članica Muške lige za pravo glasa za žene: "Pridružila sam se Muškoj političkoj uniji za pravo glasa za žene, družila se s emancipiranim feministicama koje su u načelu pušile cigarete, pile ruski čaj i razgovarale sa sigurnom i namjernom iskrenošću spola i vlastitim seksualnim iskustvima i osvojili su mi poticaj za pokret razbijanjem prozora u Oxford Streetu za koje sam proveo jednu noć u pritvoru. "

Evelyn Sharp kasnije je komentirala: "Nemoguće je precijeniti žrtve koje su oni (Henry Nevinson i Laurence Housman) i H. Pethick Lawrence, Harold Laski, Israel Zangwill, Gerald Gould, George Lansbury i mnogi drugi učinili da zadrže naše kretanje oslobođen nagovještaja seksualnog rata. "

Dr. Charles Mansell-Moullin udružio je snage sa Sir Victorom Horsleyjem i dr. Agnes Savill kako bi napisali izvještaj o utjecaju prisilnog hranjenja sufražeta. U svom govoru 13. marta 1913. on je tvrdio da je Reginald McKenna, ministar unutrašnjih poslova, davao zavaravajuće izjave za Dom naroda: "Gospodin McKenna je s vremena na vrijeme ponavljao prisilno hranjenje, kako se provodi u zatvorima Njegovog Veličanstva. , nije ni opasno ni bolno. Samo je neki dan rekao, odgovarajući na očigledno nadahnuto pitanje o mogućnosti da dama pretrpi ozljedu od liječenja koje je primila u zatvoru, "moram pričekati dok se ne pojavi slučaj u kojem bilo koja osoba je pretrpjela bilo kakvu ozljedu od njenog liječenja u zatvoru. "... On se u potpunosti oslanja na izvještaje koji su mu dostavljeni - izvještaje koji moraju stići od zatvorskih službenika, pa mu proslijediti preko MUP -a, a njegove izjave se u potpunosti temelje na Ne ustručavam se reći da su ti izvještaji, ako opravdavaju izjave koje je dao gospodin McKenna, apsolutno neistiniti. Ne samo da obmanjuju javnost, već i upornošću s kojom su ustali u istom smislu se, moraju imati namjeru zavaravati javnost. "

Te jeseni (1906.) počeo je ponedjeljak popodne „Kod kuće“, koji se neprekidno odvijao iz godine u godinu tokom militantne kampanje. Namijenjene su prvenstveno ženama, ali nisu isključeni ni muškarci. Objašnjena je strategija, najavljene militantne demonstracije, uzeta zbirka i upisani članovi. Općenito sam dolazio i prodavao literaturu - knjige, pamflete i, kasnije, Glasovi za žene novine. Kad je posjećenost postala prevelika da bi se mogla računati u uredu u Clement's Innu, mjesto je promijenjeno u Portman Rooms u Baker Streetu, a kasnije u Queen's Hall.

Krajem oktobra 1906. dogodili su se događaji koji su me doveli u blisku vezu sa pokretom. Moja žena je uhapšena. Otišla je s ostalim članovima Ženskog društvenog i političkog saveza u Donji dom na dan otvaranja Parlamenta; i u skladu s unaprijed dogovorenim planom, skočila je na jedno od sjedišta u centralnom predvorju i počela se obraćati magistrima medicine i ostalima koji su bili prisutni. Izvučena i iskrcana na ulicu, zajedno s nizom drugih žena koje su imale sličan protest, pokušala je ponovo ući u kuću i privedena je.

Sljedećeg sam jutra otišao s njom na sud, a ona se predala uz kauciju, zajedno sa još devet žena, uključujući gospođu Cobden Sanderson, kćer Richarda Cobdena. Sudac ih je sve obvezao da uruče svoja priznanja kako bi održali mir šest mjeseci. To su jednoglasno odbili učiniti. Zbog neispunjenja obaveza, bili su zatvoreni na dva meseca. U skladu s tim, spakirani su s Hollowaya.

Odmah sam odlučio da za vrijeme odsustva moje supruge njena strana posla ne bi trebala patiti. Pristao sam da se brinem o finansijama, a na javnom sastanku tog popodneva uputio sam apel za sredstva. Postavljanjem lopte, obećao sam da ću doprinijeti 10 funti za svaki dan njenog zatvora.

Gledajući unatrag, mogu datirati promjenu obroka koji sam imao s gospodinom H. D. Harbenom u jesen 1914. godine i homilije koju je izazvala. Harben je bio socijalista; bio je bogat, bio je gospodin i imao je veliko mjesto u zemlji. Bio je i vatreni sufragista. Sufražetkinje, puštene iz zatvora prema "Zakonu o mačkama i miševima", odlazile su u Newlands na oporavak, prije nego što su se vratile u zatvor radi svježeg napada mučenja. Kad je županija nazvala, kao što je okrug još uvijek činio, bilo je neugodno pronaći mlade žene iscrpljenog izgleda u haljinama i džibbama zavaljene na sofe u salonu Newlands koje bez stida pričaju o svojim zatvorskim iskustvima. Ovaj društveni sukob okruga i kriminalaca u Newlandsu bio je rani primjer miješanja različitih društvenih slojeva koje je rat uskoro trebao učiniti poznatim događajem u nacionalnom životu. U to se vrijeme smatralo da je to dovoljno zapanjujuće i zahtijevalo je sav takt Harbena i njegove društveno vrlo kompetentne supruge da podmažu kotače snošaja za stolom za čaj i popune posramljene pauze koje su prekidale svaki pokušaj razgovora.

Primjećujem u vašem izvještaju o prijemu koji je primljen od delegacije W.S.P.U. premijeru je u petak prošle godine navedeno da se policija ponašala vrlo dobro, temperamentno i suzdržano.

To je možda bio slučaj u prethodnim prilikama u kojima su poslane delegacije; na sadašnjem je apsolutno neistinito.

Sa ženama se postupalo s najvećom brutalnošću. Palčevi su im bili prisilno savijeni unatrag, a mučeni su i na druge bezimene načine od kojih se čovjeku pozlilo pri pogledu.

I sam sam bio tamo i video kako se mnoge od ovih stvari rade. To dokazuju fotografije objavljene u vašem broju od 19. novembra. I od tada sam vidio strašne modrice na kojima se vide tragovi prstiju uzrokovani nasiljem s kojim su te žene tretirane.

Ove stvari je radila policija. Osim toga, postojale su organizirane grupe dobro obučenih grubih ljudi koji su jurišali unatrag i naprijed kroz predstavništvo poput nogometnog tima, a da ih policija nije pokušala zaustaviti; ali su se zadovoljili bacanjem žena dolje i gaženjem.

Budući da je ovakvo ponašanje policije potpuno novi odlazak, bilo bi zanimljivo znati tko je izdao instrukcije da se trebaju ponašati s takvom brutalnošću, a tko je organizirao grube grube koji su odjednom niotkuda iskočili na sve strane .

Ministar unutrašnjih poslova, koji ne želi da žene budu uhapšene, zaslužan je za izjavu da je osmislio novu metodu zaustavljanja poslanika. Je li ovo metoda?

Žene su otpuštene bez suđenja od strane državnog sekretara zbog javnih politika. Je li javna politika da ne bi trebalo biti suđenja i da bi se dokazi koji bi u protivnom mogli izvući na ovaj način trebali potisnuti?

Nemoguće je precijeniti žrtve koje su oni (Henry Nevinson i Laurence Housman) i H. Pethick Lawrence, Harold Laski, Israel Zangwill, Gerald Gould, George Lansbury i mnogi drugi učinili da naše kretanje ostane bez prijedloga seksualni rat.

Pokret za žensko pravo glasa bio je jedan od vitalnog značaja za moral i dobrobit nacije. Smatram da bi žene trebale imati određeni udio u vladi kako bi se promovirao čist život.

Ogranak East Grinstead -a Muške lige za pravo glasa za žene formiran je prošlog četvrtka. B. Riddell, predsjedavao je, a za predsjednika je izabran velečasni Rupert Strong. G. R. J. Callaway kao blagajnik i g. T. Godwin kao sekretar. Čitana su pisma izražavajući simpatije prema pokretu lorda Roberta Cecila i gospodina Charlesa Corbetta.

U Kongresnoj dvorani, Horsted Keynes, održan je sastanak Centralnog izbornog društva Sussex. L. Brack, rektor Ardinglyja, izrazio je nesklonost militantnim metodama i dodao da je to dodatni razlog za podršku radu onih sufragista koji su pažljivo izbjegavali upotrebu fizičke sile. Svoje simpatije prema pokretu za glasanje žena zasnovao je djelimično na svom iskustvu kapelana u radnoj kući, gdje je jedina posjetiteljica koja je razumjela kako se stvari odvijaju bila dama čuvarica. Gospođa Marie Corbett i gospođica A. S. Verrall zahvalile su se govornicima.

Na sastanku ogranka East Grinstead u Ligi za žensko pravo glasa u utorak navečer, velečasni Riddell osudio je taktiku militantnih sufražetkinja i rekao da ne krivi muškarce za njihovu brutalnost i zakon linča gomile.

Kako su moji stavovi općenito bili izvedeni iz knjiga, a ne iz života, tako su posebno i neizbježno bili i moji pogledi na žene. Ja sam zamišljao da sam iz čitanja naučio da su žene jednake muškarcima, da im je uskraćeno pravo na mjesto u društvu istom sebičnošću utjelovljenom u stečenim interesima koja je ometala ostvarivanje socijalizma. To su bili dani agitacije za izborno pravo žena, koja je kulminirala napadima na imovinu i uznemiravanjem uglednih osoba.

Pridružila sam se Muškoj političkoj uniji za pravo glasa žena, družila se sa emancipiranim feministkinjama koje su u principu pušile cigarete, pile ruski čaj i razgovarale sa sigurnom i namjernom iskrenošću seksa i vlastitim seksualnim iskustvom, i osvojila moju snagu za pokret razbijajući prozore u Oxford Streetu za koju sam proveo jednu noć u pritvoru. No, možda je najživlje sjećanje na ta feministička iskustva sjećanje na tajno udvaranje kćeri oksfordske gazdarice, koja je nakon silnih poteškoća prevladala nad njom da dođe sa mnom u Brighton na vikend, planirajući potrebne aranžmane s najrazrađenijim tajnosti, smišljajući genijalan alibi koji će joj omogućiti da joj objasni

odsustvo sa majkom, a zatim pronalaženje majke na željezničkoj stanici da me isprati, gdje sam uredno primio njen blagoslov za moj poduhvat u pomaganju da se emancipuju žene od okova konvencije.

Spominjem samo ovo prostodušno zagovaranje feminizma kao ekstreman primjer akademskog racionalizma koji je ovih dana karakterizirao moja mišljenja. Trebalo bi napomenuti da nisam imala praktično nikakvo iskustvo sa ženama; Nisam ni znala kakve su žene. Ali moj razum, podržan i ohrabren od strane Shaw -a, rekao mi je da je njihova razlika u odnosu na muškarce ograničena na razliku u funkciji koja dodiruje rađanje djece, razlika koja, uvjeren sam, nije relevantna za obavljanje funkcija koje pripadaju drugoj odeljenja za život. Politički, društveno i intelektualno žene su bile jednake muškarcima; Ta bi jednakost, smatrao sam, trebala informirati lične odnose i dobiti eksplicitno priznanje od društva. Moj razlog, podržan od strane Shawa, dodatno me uvjeravao da nema razloga da se suzdržim od spolnog odnosa sa ženom samo zato što nismo prošli prethodnu ceremoniju u svetištu zastarjele religije u kojoj je nad nama izrečeno zaklinjanje od strane sveštenika.

Prošlog ljeta u zatvoru su bile 102 sufražetkinje; 90 njih je nasilno hranjeno. Širili su se svakakvi izvještaji o tome šta im se radi. Podigli smo peticiju ministru unutrašnjih poslova, pisali smo mu pisma, intervjuisali smo ga koliko smo mogli. Nismo dobili apsolutno nikakve informacije bilo koje vrste koje su bile zadovoljavajuće; ništa osim izbjegavanja. Tako smo se nas troje oformili u odbor - Sir Victor Horsley, dr. Agnes Savill i ja, i odlučili smo da ćemo istražiti ove slučajeve što je moguće detaljnije. Ne želim biti umišljen, ali imali smo ideju da imamo dovoljno iskustva u javnoj i bolničkoj praksi i u privatnoj praksi da bismo mogli ispitati te osobe, uzeti njihove dokaze, u potpunosti ih izvagati i uzeti u obzir . Napravili smo izvještaj koji je objavljen u The Lancet i u British Medical, krajem avgusta prošle godine.

Ostajemo pri tom izvještaju. U tom izvještaju nema ni jedne stvari koju želimo povući. Postoje neke stvari koje bismo sada mogli staviti snažnije nego što smo to učinili. Sve što se od tada dogodilo samo je ojačalo ono što smo rekli i potvrdilo ono što smo predviđali da će se dogoditi.

Gospodin Samo je neki dan rekao, na odgovor na očigledno nadahnuto pitanje o mogućnosti da dama pretrpi ozljedu od liječenja koje je primila u zatvoru, "moram pričekati dok se ne pojavi slučaj u kojem je bilo koja osoba zadobila bilo kakvu ozljedu od njenog liječenja u zatvoru. " Dobio sam te reči od The Times - naravno, oni se možda neće pravilno prijaviti. Pa, naravno, gospodin McKenna nema lično znanje. Koliko ja znam, McKenna nikada nije napravio nikakav upit za sebe, niti mislim da bi to učinio na ovaj ili onaj način. Oni ne samo da obmanjuju javnost, već zbog upornosti s kojom su ustali u istom smislu moraju imati namjeru da obmane javnost.

Ne želim ni najmanje osloboditi gospodina McKennu. Imao je obilnu priliku - u stvari, primorana je po njegovom upozorenju - da utvrdi neistinitost ovih izjava, i ako ih nastavi ponavljati nakon što su im razne vrste ljudi povremeno govorile da nisu tačne, on se smatra odgovornim za njih bez obzira jesu li istinite ili ne. I u svojim izjavama u Donjem domu dao je dovoljno dokaza o svom raspoloženju u pogledu ove teme. S vremena na vrijeme je govorio članovima Doma da nije bilo bolova ili ozljeda, a gotovo u istom dahu - svakako u isto veče - pričao je kako je jedan od ovih zatvorenika morao biti izbačen u trenutku , odvezena u neko vozilo ili drugo, a prisustvovao joj je i zatvorski ljekar, kako bi joj spasio život. Jedna ili druga od ovih izjava moraju biti potpuno neistinite.

Sada dolazim do pitanja boli. McKenna kaže da nema. Da vam pročitam izvještaj o tome kako se snalaze. Naravno, zatvorske ćelije nalaze se s obje strane hodnika. Sva vrata se otvaraju kada ovaj posao započne, tako da se ništa ne može izgubiti. "Od 4:30 do 8:30 čuo sam najstrašnije krikove i urlike koji su dopirali iz ćelija." Ovo je izjava zatvorenika kojeg poznajem i za koga znam da ne pretjeruje: "Nikada prije nisam čuo da se ljudska mučenja muče ... Sjedio sam na stolici s prstima u ušima veći dio od te beskrajne četiri Srce mi je lupalo o rebra, dok sam sjedio i slušao povorku doktora i štićenika koji su dolazili amo -tamo, i prelazili iz ćelije u ćeliju, te stenjanje i plač onih koji su bili hranjeni, sve do posljednji put je povorka zastala na mojim vratima. Došao sam red. "

To je izjava. Nadam se da niko od vas nikada nije bio toliko nesrećan da je bio primoran da sluša vriskove osobe kada ste i sami u savršenom zdravlju - vriskove osobe u agoniji, vriskove koji se postepeno pogoršavaju i pogoršavaju, a onda, konačno , kada se snaga osobe iscrpljuje, umire i završava jecajem. To je dovoljno loše kad ste jaki i zdravi, ali ako pomislite da ti zatvorenici čuju te vriskove u zatvoru, da su to vriskovi njihovih prijatelja, da su bespomoćni, da znaju da su ti krikovi uzrokovani bolom nanesen bez imalo potrebe - ni najmanje ne pretjerujem, dajem vam jasnu izjavu o onome što se trenutno događa u zatvorima Njegovog Veličanstva - tada to postaje stvar o kojoj je izuzetno teško umjereno govoriti.

Tada kažu da nema opasnosti. U jednom slučaju - onom zatvorenika koji se nije opirao u Winson Gaolu u Birminghamu - nema sumnje osim da je hrana otjerana u pluća. Operacija je bila

zaustavljeno jakim gušenjem i upornim kašljem. Cijelu noć zatvorenica nije mogla spavati ili ležati zbog jakih bolova u grudima. Žurno je puštena sljedećeg dana, toliko bolesna da su je vlasti prilikom otpusta obavezale da potpiše izjavu da je zatvor napustila na vlastitu odgovornost. Kad je stigla kući, utvrđeno je da boluje od upale pluća i pleuritisa uzrokovanog ulijevanjem tekućine u pluća. Isto se dogodilo pre neki dan u slučaju gospođice Lenton. Srećom, ona se stalno oporavlja, a ministar unutrašnjih poslova mogao bi sebi čestitati da se ova dva slučaja - bilo je i drugih - oporavljaju i da neće morati biti istrage.

Zatim u vezi gospođice Lenton. Ministrica unutrašnjih poslova napisala je da ju je ljekarski zatvor zatvora Holloway prijavio da je u kolapsu i da je u neposrednoj opasnosti od smrti uslijed njenog odbijanja da uzme hranu. Ova izjava nije tačna. "Otvorena su tri kursa - ostaviti je da umre; pokušati je nasilno nahraniti, što je ljekarski savjetnik savjetovao vjerovatno sa sobom povući smrt; i pustiti je na slobodu da se preda na daljnjem saslušanju njenog slučaja." To je značilo da nije nasilno hranjena. Ona je bila, ali je ta činjenica potisnuta - potisnuta od strane ministra unutrašnjih poslova u izjavi koju je objavio u novinama, potisnuta jer je uzrok njene bolesti prisilno hranjenje. To je apsolutno dokazano.

Što se tiče moralnog i mentalnog pogoršanja na koje su već aludirali gospodin Forbes Robertson i gospodin Bernard Shaw, reći ću samo jednu stvar. Pokazuje se svugdje gdje se prakticira prisilno hranjenje. Pokazuje se u zatvorima, gdje su se medicinski službenici, žao mi je što moram reći, više puta smijali i zbijali glupe šale o "punjenju purana za Božić". To se vidi u zatvorskim službenicima, u izvještajima koje su sastavili. To se pokazuje u ministru unutrašnjih poslova u neistinitim izjavama koje je objavio i utajama koje je dao; a pokazuje se i u razuzdanom smijehu i opscenim šalama s kojima su takozvana gospoda iz Donjeg doma primila izvještaje o tim mučenjima.


Arhiva se prvenstveno odnosi na kampanju za sticanje prava glasa za žene. Podaci se mogu pronaći ne samo o aktivnostima Lige, već io aktivnostima drugih biračkih prava žena na lokalnom, nacionalnom i povremeno međunarodnom nivou. Kao dio toga, uključen je materijal o savremenom položaju žena i argumentima protiv njihovog prava glasa.

Postoje neke informacije o životu tokom rata, s naglaskom na hitne poslove koje obavljaju žene. Materijal se povremeno dotiče drugih kampanja s početka dvadesetog stoljeća, kampanja protiv veneričnih bolesti i "bijelog ropstva" ili nabavke djevojaka za prostituciju, kampanje za promjenu zakona o razvodu i kampanje umjerenosti.


Biračko pravo i patnja u martu 1913

Dok su se zagovornici prava glasa marširali duž avenije Pennsylvania 3. marta 1913. godine, naišli su na gomilu neobuzdanih muškaraca koji su im blokirali puteve i uzvikivali pogrdne primjedbe.

Pripremajući se za paradu, organizatori su ponavljali pokušaje da osiguraju policijsku zaštitu - čak su kontaktirali i ratnog sekretara tražeći pomoć od američke vojske. Richard H. Sylvester, načelnik DC policije, uvjeravao je organizatore da može upravljati situacijom bez vojske, ali na kraju nije uspio kontrolirati masu.

Loš tretman marša izazvao je trenutno zgražanje.

Dan nakon parade, Senat je donio rezoluciju kojom se Komitet za okrug Kolumbija ovlašćuje da ispita policijsko postupanje u vezi sa incidentom. Odbor je prikupio dokaze i saslušao ih je više od 100 svjedoka, uključujući organizatorku parade i sufragistkinju Alice Paul Julia Lathrop, šeficu parade Biroa za djecu iz cijele zemlje i svjedoke koji su govorili u ime gradske policije.

Žene su svjedočile o svojim iskustvima - neke su primijetile nedostatak policije ili njihovu ravnodušnost te su aplaudirale izviđačima jer su bili efikasniji od policije. Drugi su opisali pijane muškarce duž parade koji su im navijali i ismijavali ih, blokirali im put i davali uvredljive primjedbe (jedna mlada djevojka zvana je "Georgia Peach" - u to vrijeme poniženje).

U rezoluciji Muške lige za pravo glasa za žene u okrugu King navedeno je da su žene na paradi, „među kojima su mnoge bile među najboljim intelektualnim vođama svog spola, bile. . . podvrgnuti vrijeđanju, bezobrazluku i ličnom zlostavljanju. "

Kongres je prikupio i objavio ogromnu količinu materijala - saslušanja i izvještaj dostupni su u depozitarnim bibliotekama savezne vlade širom zemlje. Neki od izvještaja mogu se pročitati na internetu.

U izvještaju Kongresa zaključeno je da ruta parade nije adekvatno očišćena niti zaštićena te da su povjerenici Distrikta Columbia trebali zatražiti da im Kongres da ovlaštenje da zatvore rutu parade. Odbor je preporučio zakone koji povjerenicima daju potpuna ovlaštenja da zaustave sav promet i putuju bilo kojom ulicom dozvoljenom za paradu. Iako izvještaj nije sankcionirao policiju DC -a, izazvao je dugu istragu koja je na kraju dovela do Silvesterove smjene 1915.


Lucy Stone je objavila pamflet, Razlozi zašto bi žene iz New Jerseyja trebale glasati.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton i Susan B. Anthony prisustvuju sastanku u Vinelandu

Petnaesti amandman je ratifikovan, dajući glas crncima

Udruženje za jednaka prava dijeli se oko strategije i taktike, a formiraju se Nacionalna asocijacija za pravo glasa žena (NWSA) i Američko udruženje za pravo glasa žena (AWSA)

Spomenik zakonodavnom tijelu New Jerseyja od New Jersey Woman Suffrage Association (NJWSA) o pravima žena.

Žene u New Jerseyu podnose peticiju zakonodavnom tijelu New Jerseyja za puno pravo glasa za žene.

NJWSA bira sudiju Johna Whiteheada za predsjednika.

In Allison protiv Blakea Vrhovnog suda N.J odlučuje da je protivustavno da žene glasaju na školskim izborima, iako a kasnija odluka omogućava im da glasaju o školskim sredstvima

Osnovana Državna federacija ženskih klubova države New Jersey.

Glas koji bi omogućio ženama da glasaju na školskim izborima poražen je sa 10.000 od 140.000 glasova.

Clara Laddey postaje predsjednica NJWSA -e

Liga ravnopravnosti žena koje se izdržavaju (kasnije preimenovana u Ženska politička unija) formirana je i fokusira se na stvaranje podrške i republikanaca i demokrata.

U Hobokenu osnovano Društvo jednakih franšiza

New Jersey Liga za ravnopravno pravo glasa za muškarce osnovana je u Newarku

Rezolucija u korist ženskog prava prvi put je uvedena u Senatu New Jerseyja. Tri godine kasnije usvojio je oba doma dva uzastopna zakonodavna tijela

Lillian Ford Feickert postaje predsjednica NJWSA -e. 1200 članova.

Carpenter protiv Cornish saslušan pred Apelacionim sudom N.J. Tvrdi se da je Ustav iz 1844. bio nezakonit u oduzimanju prava dodijeljenih Ustavom iz 1776. Sud se s tim nije složio.

Demokratske i republikanske stranke podržavaju biračko pravo žena.

Glavne glasačke grupe sastaju se s Woodrowom Wilsonom koji nudi neodređenu podršku.

Formirana Muška anti-biračka liga u New Jerseyu za muškarce

Osnovano Udruženje New Jersey Opposite to Woman Suffrage.

Grace Baxter Fenderson iz New Jerseya pomaže u osnivanju NAACP -a koji podržava žensko pravo glasa

Woodrow Wilson podržava glasanje i kvote privatnog građanina, dvije sedmice prije glasanja

Velečasna Florence Spearing Randolph organizira Državnu federaciju ženskih klubova u državi N.J.

Ogranak Kongresne unije organiziran je u New Jerseyju s predsjednicom Alison Turnbull Hopkins

Državni savez ženskih klubova savezne države New Jersey pobijedio je rezoluciju o pravu glasa

Druge biračke grupe se spajaju sa NJWSA čime se broj članova povećava na 50.000

Među uhapšenima ispred Bijele kuće su i žene iz New Jerseyja

Društvo jednakih franšiza i Politička unija žena glasaju za raspuštanje i spajanje s NJWSA.

Državna federacija klubova obojenih žena savezne države New Jersey saveznici su s NJWSA -om


Nevada Suffrage Timeline

Nevada postaje država. Ustav Nevade zabranjuje ženama da glasaju ili obavljaju izabrane funkcije. Vidi član II, odjeljak 1, Pravo glasa na stranici 835 o povezanom Ustavu.

1869

Poslanik Curtis J. Hillyer govori u prilog tome da žene glasaju. Rezolucija o izmjenama Ustava Nevade kako bi se ženama omogućilo glasanje (poznata i kao "rezolucija o biračkom pravu") usvaja oba doma zakonodavnog tijela Nevade.

1870

Battle Mountain mjesto je prve konvencije birača u Nevadi.

1871

Skupština formalno poziva Lauru DeForce Gordon da razgovara s članovima o biračkom pravu, ali kasnije odbija poziv. Umesto toga, dozvoljeno joj je da koristi skupštinska veća, u vreme kada članovi nisu na sednici, za obradu bilo koje teme po svom izboru.

Zakonodavno tijelo nije usko odobrilo rezoluciju sa sjednice 1869. godine.

1873

Dana 10. januara, poslanik Oscar Grey (predsjedavajući Pro Tem) pokušava obraditi svoju rezoluciju kako bi se omogućilo pravo glasa ženama. Nakon neke rasprave, odgađa se na neodređeno vrijeme, od 31 do 17.

1881

Zajednički zakonodavni odbor preporučuje izmjenu Ustava kako bi se ženama omogućilo glasanje, rekavši da "danas nema dovoljno razloga zašto se prava i odgovornosti glasačkih listića duže uskraćuju ženama u zemlji". Skupština i Senat, u dva odvojena glasa, ne usvajaju rezoluciju o pravu glasa.

1883

Rezolucija o glasanju prolazi kroz Skupštinu, ali ne uspijeva u Senatu.

1885

Odluka o pravu glasa usvaja oba doma.

1887

Zakonodavno tijelo nije odobrilo rezoluciju iz 1885.

Zakonodavno tijelo donosi posebnu rezoluciju za izmjenu Ustava Nevade kako bi se ženama omogućilo da budu izabrane za školske nadzornike i upravnike škola.

1889

Zakonodavno tijelo ne uspijeva izglasati pravo glasa.

Rezoluciju školske kancelarije iz 1887. usvajaju zakonodavno tijelo i biračko tijelo za muškarce na posebnim izborima. Žene se mogu kandidovati, ali im nije dozvoljeno da glasaju za ove pozicije.

1890

Susan Miller (D) izabrana je za školsku upraviteljicu okruga Humboldt.

Josephine Taylor (R) izabrana je za školsku nadzornicu u okrugu Elko.

Najmanje šest žena izabrano je na položaje upravnika škola širom države.

1891

Zakonodavno tijelo ne uspijeva izglasati pravo glasa.

1893

Zakonodavno tijelo donosi zakon koji ženama dozvoljava da budu advokati i pravni savjetnici. Laura May Tilden iz Virginia Cityja pomogla je u donošenju ovog zakona i bila je prva žena advokat u Nevadi.

1894

U Austinu je osnovana Nestranačka ravnopravna biračka liga Lucy Stone, s Fannie Weller kao predsjednicom.

1895

Velečasna Mila Tupper Maynard obraća se Skupštini Nevade u znak podrške biračkom pravu.

Zakonodavno tijelo donosi pravo glasa.

Državno udruženje za jednako pravo glasa u Nevadi organizirano je s Frances Williamson kao predsjednicom.

1896

Najmanje desetak žena izabrano je na položaje upravnika škola širom države.

Dvije žene u Austinu zahtijevaju, i dozvoljeno im je, da glasaju na školskim izborima.

Lokalne organizacije za pravo glasa formiraju se na mjestima kao što su Pioche, Panaca, Delamar i Ely.

Susan B. Anthony i Carrie Chapman Catt govore u Renu.

1897

Frances Williamson razgovara sa Senatom Nevade u prilog glasačkog prava.

Rezolucija o glasanju iz 1895. godine prolazi Senat i ne uspijeva jednim glasom u Skupštini.

Nevada Citizen, glasačko pravo, pokreće se u Renu.

Udruženje za ravnopravno pravo glasa u Nevadi ima svoj treći godišnji sastanak na kojem je prisutno 300 delegata koji predstavljaju 13 okruga.

1898

Pro-suffrage petitions are circulated in northeastern Nevada.

1899

By this year, the Legislature has changed state law to specify that school superintendent offices are filled ex officio by other county officers, none of which may legally be held by a woman. As a result, women are no longer elected to county school superintendent, but may continue to run for the office of school trustee.

The Legislature fails to pass a suffrage resolution.

1901-09

Five legislative sessions occur without any legislator introducing a suffrage resolution.

1907

Attorney General Richard C. Stoddard confirms that women are not legally eligible to be appointed to serve as Deputy State Superintendent of Public Instruction.

The Legislature abolishes the office of County School Superintendent.

March 14, 1907, Chapter LXIX of the Statues of the State of Nevada passes “An Act to amend sections two and seven of an Act entitled: An Act relative to attorneys and counselors-at-law…” which enables women to be attorneys and counselors-at-law in Nevada.

1909

The Legislature approves Assembly Concurrent Resolution No. 3 to amend the Nevada Constitution to allow women to be elected/appointed as school superintendents and appointed as notaries public.

Mrs. Clarence Mackay, President of the New York Equal Suffrage Association, asks Jeanne Weir, University of Nevada history professor and founder of the Nevada Historical Society, to start a Nevada suffrage organization.

1911

The Nevada Equal Franchise Society is organized with Margaret Stanislawsky as President.
At least 27 women have been elected as clerks of their school boards around the state.

The Legislature approves the 1909 resolution to amend the Constitution regarding women as school superintendents and notaries.

Carson City native and attorney, Felice Cohn, drafts a separate resolution for consideration by the Legislature to amend the Nevada Constitution to allow women to vote. It is passed by both houses.

1912

Anne Martin, recently returned to her native state of Nevada, becomes President of Nevada Equal Franchise Society.

Sixteen county-based chapters, the first of which is in Lyon County, are organized. Tonopah organized an Equal Franchise Society.

Goldfield attorney Bird Wilson writes and publishes “Women Under Nevada Laws.”

All-male electorate votes to amend Constitution to allow women to be appointed as notaries public and elected/appointed as School Superintendents.

The Nevada Equal Franchise Society collects pledges from legislative candidates to support the suffrage resolution and campaigns for those candidates.

At the 1912 election, women position themselves near polling places around the state to remind the male voters to choose legislative candidates who have pledged to support suffrage.

1913

The Legislature approves the 1911 resolution to allow women to vote, and the question is sent to the voters.

Anne Martin writes Chapter XLIII: Woman Suffrage for Sam P. Davis’ History of Nevada, 1913.

Governor Tasker L. Oddie speaks for the franchise for women in his January 20, 1913 State of the State Message.

1914

The Nevada Equal Franchise Society orchestrates a vigorous pro-suffrage campaign across the state, relying heavily on volunteers within Nevada’s communities.

Mary Austin and Anne Martin write “Suffrage and Government.”

Nevada Men’s Suffrage League is organized as a counterpoint to the anti-suffrage Men’s Business League.

George Wingfield speaks out against suffrage and is subsequently ridiculed by newspapers across the state.

A competing pro-suffrage organization, the Nevada Non-Militant Equal Suffrage Society, is formed in Carson City.

An anti-suffrage group, the Nevada Association of Women Opposed to Equal Suffrage, is organized in Reno with Emma Adams, wife of former Nevada Governor Jewett Adams, as President.

Senator James Gault writes in favor of Nevada women’s suffrage.

The all-male electorate approves the constitutional amendment to allow women to vote. It passes in 12 of the 16 counties. Opposed were Eureka, Ormsby, Storey, and Washoe Counties.

Anne Martin writes “The Winning of Nevada” for the November 7, 1914 Suffragist. This article tells about the organization and education of Nevadans by the Nevada Equal Franchise Society.

1915

Nevada women vote for the first time in city elections.

Janet Dory is appointed, and subsequently re-elected, to the Lander County Commission.

Local suffrage organizations begin to morph into civic leagues with an emphasis on training the new voters. Margaret Kaeding led this effort in Battle Mountain Mrs. Connolly, in Las Vegas Dr. Nellie Haschell, in Fallon Bird Wilson, in Goldfield Mae Hunt, in Tonopah Velda Orr, in Pioche Ida Schwartz, in Elko Ada McCarthy, in Hawthorne Sophia Zadow, in Eureka Nellie Bonnifield, in Winnemucca and Minnie Comins McDonald in Ely.

Nellie is the widow of McKaskia S. Bonnifield, the organizer of the 1870 Battle Mountain suffrage convention. Justice Bonnifield passed away in 1913. Minnie’s grandfather is Senator Henry Comins, the champion of suffrage in the 1895 legislative session. Ironically, her father, Assemblyman Daniel McDonald, led the opposition.

Reno women divide into two competing groups, the Women’s Civic League, led by Anne Martin, and the Reno Woman Citizens Club, which became, under the direction of Sadie Hurst, the League of Women Voters.

1916

Nevada women vote for the first time in county and statewide elections.

Female candidates are on ballots across the state. Elected to the office of County Recorder are Jennie Curieux (D-Nye), Rita Millar (D-Mineral), and Jennie Wilcox (D-Lincoln).

Assemblyman Curtis J. Hillyer’s 1869 floor speech “The Winning of Nevada for Woman Suffrage” is published.

1918

First Nevada woman elected to a statewide office is Edna Baker of Sparks who joins the Board of Regents, the members of which are elected statewide until 1958 when districts are created.

First Nevada woman elected to the Legislature is Sadie Hurst (R) of Reno.

1920

Special session of Nevada Legislature ratifies amendment to U.S. Constitution to allow all U.S. women to vote. Assemblywoman Hurst presides over the Assembly and is present when Governor Emmet Boyle signs the legislation.

Governor Boyle’s speech to the Senate and Assembly when he calls them into Special Session.

1948

“The Story of the Nevada Equal Suffrage Campaign: Memoirs of Anne Martin” University of Nevada Bulletin Vol. LXII: No. 7 (August 1948). Edited with introduction and notes, by Austin E. Hutcheson, History Department, University of Nevada.

*This timeline will be updated as information becomes available.

Bennett Historical Research Services, Nevada Suffrage Timeline, 2013.

Dana R. Bennett, “’Nothing New or Novel’: Women in Nevada Politics Before 1919,” The Nevada Review, Spring 2013.

Dana R. Bennett, “Leading Ladies,” The Historical Nevada Magazine,1998, pgs. 120-128.

Dana R. Bennett, “Women in Nevada Politics,” Political History of Nevada, 1996.

Jean Ford and James W. Hulse, “The First Battle for Woman Suffrage in Nevada: 1869-1871 — Correcting and Expanding the Record,” Nevada Historical Society Quarterly, Fall 1995.

Journal of the Assembly and Journal of the Senate, 1864-1913.

Phillip I. Earl, “Bustles, Broadsides, and Ballots: The Story of the Woman Suffrage Movement in Northeastern Nevada, 1869 – 1914,” Northeastern Nevada Historical Society Quarterly, Spring, Summer, Fall, 1976.


While the fight for votes for women has been long been regarded as a movement led and supported by women, it is important to recognize that men participated in the struggle, both in and outside Parliament.

Also, men’s suffrage societies contributed to the general campaign with the Men’s League for Women’s Suffrage (1907) and The Men’s Political Union for Women’s Enfranchisement (1910).

With the coming of the First World War the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies and Women’s Social and Political Union called off their fight for enfranchisement.

In 1918, women were given limited voting rights with the Representation of the People Act. Universal suffrage, that is, the vote for men and women on equal terms, was finally achieved with the Equal Franchise Act in 1928 when all men and women were given the vote at 21 years. In 1969 the voting age for men and women was lowered to 18.

Use the sources in this lesson to investigate the role played by male supporters, or ‘suffragettes in trousers’ during the campaign for votes for women.

Zadaci

History Hook – Starter Activity

Leaflet for the ‘Men’s Political Union for Women’s Enfranchisement’ (Catalogue ref: CRIM 1/149)

  1. What were the aims of this union?
  2. How did the ‘Men’s Political Union for Women’s Enfranchisement’ hope to achieve its aims?

Pledge coupon for ‘Men’s Political Union for Women’s Enfranchisement’ (Catalogue ref: CRIM 1/149)

  1. According to the membership pledge coupon, what specific action would male supporters of female suffrage take?
  2. What possible impact could this action have?
  3. What do both these documents reveal about the organisation of the Men’s Political Union?

Petition from the ‘Men’s Committee of Justice for Women’s Suffrage’, 29 June, 1909 (Catalogue ref: HO 45/10338/139199)

  1. What sort of suffrage campaign method is this?
  2. What arguments are used to justify votes for women?
  3. Why have the petitioners appealed to the king?
  4. Find out more about the ‘Men’s Committee of Justice for Women’s Suffrage’, how did it differ from ‘Men’s Political Union for Women’s Enfranchisement?’

Extract from a leaflet from The Women’s Social and Political Union entitled ‘Torture in an English Prison (Catalogue ref: HO 144/1183/218081)

  1. How and why did William Ball choose to support female suffrage?
  2. Why did he ask to be treated as a ‘political offender’?
  3. What clues does this source provide about effectiveness of the Women’s Social and Political Union as a pressure group?

Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill-Health) Act 1913 form (Catalogue ref: HO 144/13025)

  1. Why was Hugh Arthur Franklin sent to prison?
  2. Why was he released from prison do you think?
  3. What is the Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill-Health) Act more commonly known as?

Extract from the front page of ‘The Suffragette’ newspaper, dated 22 November 1912 (Catalogue ref: ASSI 52/212)

  1. What has George Lansbury, Member of Parliament for Bow & Bromley, decided to do to support votes for women?
  2. How does the language and tone used in this newspaper show its support for George Lansbury?

Extension questions

  1. Can you explain why the sources for this lesson topic come from these particular collections, i.e. H.O. (Home Office), CRIM (records from the Central Criminal Court), ASSI (records of justices of assize and related bodies i.e. court sessions in English counties for trial of civil and criminal cases) and T (records from the treasury)?

Clue: Think about the role of these particular bodies/departments.

  1. Can you suggest any other sources which could be used to find out more about ‘Suffragettes in trousers’?

Pozadina

In the nineteenth century, John Stuart Mill had presented an amendment to the Second Reform Bill in 1866 to include votes for women when the issue of the franchise was aired. Henry Fawcett, reformer of the Post Office, was also a keen supporter of the suffrage movement. He worked with his wife Millicent on her campaigns with the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies and provided financial backing. Similarly, barrister Frederick Pethick-Lawrence worked with his wife Emmeline, leading suffragette campaigner and publicist. Labour M.P. Kier Hardie often raised the issue in the House of Commons and fellow member George Lansbury resigned his seat in 1912 so that he could fight a by-election on the suffrage question, although he did not regain his seat until 1922. He served time in prison for making speeches in support of members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who committed criminal acts. Whilst serving time in Pentonville Prison he went on hunger strike.

Other high profile male supporters included philosopher Bertrand Russell- who had stood at the Wimbledon by-election in the 1907 on the votes for women ticket. In his campaign pamphlet he said: “I consider that the exclusion of women from direct political action is unjust and inexpedient, and that no reason exists for prolonging this exclusion. If elected I should urge the claims of women to enfranchisement at every opportunity.” He argued in an article entitled Liberalism and Women’s Suffrage (1908) that “it is plain that no man can call himself truly a democrat if he is in favour of excluding half the nation from all participation in public affairs”.

Dr Richard Pankhurst, in 1883 had stood as an Independent candidate for a by-election in Manchester for universal adult suffrage. Later he concentrated on the struggle for women’s rights and in 1889 helped form the Women’s Franchise League with his wife Emmeline. The organisation’s main objective was to secure the vote for women in local elections.

Victor Storr and Thomas Bayard Simmonds started a series protests in Parliament later called the ‘Grille Protest’, vividly described in the London Illustrated News at the time. From the public gallery they called for justice for women and showered the M.P.s below with suffrage leaflets. As part of this coordinated protest, some women chained themselves to the metal grille which concealed them from the chamber, Some men called for the protection of women at public meetings and spoke out against the brutality of their treatment by the authorities. Others were ridiculed or forcibly removed from political meetings for protesting against the exclusion of women from the franchise.

Support for the female franchise also came from male writers such as E.M. Foster, H.G. Wells, George Bernard Shaw, Thomas Hardy and the economist John Maynard Keynes. Henry Selfridge also supported votes for women, there must have been some self-interest here in wanting to secure the female market for his department store, but nevertheless he promoted the Women’s Social and Political Union with a flag on the building and advertised in the suffragette paper Votes for Women and used the suffragette colours in his department store’s win­dows.

Of course the campaign was not just supported by those men who had the advantage of making themselves heard through access to political power, money or privilege. There were ordinary working class and middle class men who wanted the vote for their female relatives and friends. There were whole suffrage families that showed shared commitment to the cause. Documentary evidence exists for men going on hunger strike, publishing suffragette campaign material and supporting pressure groups such as The Men’s League for Women’s Suffrage (1907) and The Men’s Political Union for Women’s Enfranchisement (1910) founded by Victor Duval who in the same year published a pamphlet entitled An Appeal to Men. Duval prior this had been active supporter of The Women’s Social and Political Union and the Women’s Freedom League. He was also charged in July, 1909 for “Aiding and abetting Marion Wallace Dunlop, in wilful and malicious damage to the stone work of St. Stephen’s Hall, House of Commons, by stamping it with an indelible rubber stamp, to the value of ten shillings.”

Men’s Committee for Justice to Women was founded in 1909 after the Women’s Freedom League deputation to parliament was arrested and imprisoned. The Committee watched cases where women were prosecuted for suffrage protests. Albert Dawson was its chairman. One of their petitions is included as a source for this this lesson.

According to Israel Zangwill, member of The Men’s League for Women’s Suffrage, “the petticoat no longer makes the Suffragette. We are suffragettes – suffragettes in trousers.” The men who set up and joined these pressure groups wanted to use their position as voters to secure the vote for women. However, there were differences between the organisations. The Men’s League favoured a more legalistic approach and discussed the ethical arguments in favour of votes for women. The Men’s Political Union, formed later, favoured more direct action. Another organisation, founded by Mrs Arncliffe-Sennett in 1913, was The Northern Men’s Federation for Women’s Suffrage and sent a delegation of Scotsmen to meet the Liberal Prime Minister, Herbert Henry Asquith. Some suffrage societies allowed men to be members the Women’s Social and Political Union however, did not.

The Representation of the People Act passed in 1918 did not give all women the right to vote. Only those aged 30 or over and were home owners could vote. This meant that a further 8.4 million women attained the right but working class women did not get the right to the ballot. Full suffrage for all women over the age of 21, on equal terms as men, was granted ten years later with the Second Representation of the People’s Act in 1928.

Teachers' notes

This lesson has a video starter activity based on one of our documents to ‘hook’ students into the lesson tasks that follow. ‘Suffragettes in trousers’ uses documents to explore male participation in the struggle for the vote for women both in and outside Parliament. The overarching enquiry question is ‘How did men support for votes for women?’ but also did the nature of that support vary?

The sources reveal that men were also prepared to adopt a range of methods to fight for the cause in a way that some students may not be familiar with or not had an opportunity to acknowledge. Male supporters set up their own pressure groups and also made peaceful and militant protests in order to fight for the enfranchisement of women.

We hope that these documents will offer students a chance to develop their powers of evaluation and analysis. The intention is that this lesson would be used as part of general scheme of work on the Suffragette movement. Therefore, a couple of questions require the pupils to use their own contextual knowledge or extend their research or as with the Extension Questions, focus specifically on the fact that they are working with archival sources.

Alternatively, teachers may wish to use the sources to develop their own lesson in a different way or combine with other sources available from our Suffragettes on file online resource. In this themed collection there are further documents on the role of George Lansbury and other male supporters.

All sources in this lesson have been provided with a transcript and more difficult language has been explained in square brackets. Each source is captioned and dated to provide a sense of what the document is about. Teachers may wish to adapt this lesson to a group-based activity. Small groups could work on printed versions of the different sources and present to the rest of class or work at a whiteboard and present to the class that way.


These powerful men were humble allies for women’s vote

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What can those with visibility and influence do—beyond stating support for a particular movement—to combat injustice? Can those with power and privilege advance the interests of others without hijacking or getting in the way of the efforts of the marginalized groups they mean to support?

These are, of course, questions that have dogged activists for generations there are many wrong answers and few obvious solutions.

For example, when actor and investor Ashton Kutcher announced his intention to co-host a live discussion about gender equality in the workplace on his Facebook page this summer, the social media backlash was swift and fierce.

Many women, including Paradigm CEO Joelle Emerson, pointed out that embedded in the list of potential questions Kutcher proposed for the event—such as “What are the Rules for dating in the work place? Flirting?” and “Should investors invest in ideas that they believe to have less merit so as to create equality across a portfolio?”—were misguided assumptions that actually reinforced the kind of sexism he meant to combat.

A new book documents how a group of powerful men offered themselves as foot soldiers in the fight for women’s suffrage a century ago. The Suffragents: How Women Used Men to Get the Vote (SUNY Press, 2017) by New York University journalism professor Brooke Kroeger reads almost as a manual for how people might sensitively approach allyship today.

The Men’s League got its unlikely start when the Reverend Doctor Anna Howard Shaw, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, invited Oswald Garrison Villard, publisher of Nacija i The New York Evening Post, to a suffrage convention in Buffalo in October 1908.

Villard insisted that he was too busy to “prepare an elaborate address” for the event but proposed another idea: What if he were to assemble a group of at least one hundred influential men—progressive reformers, public intellectuals, and wealthy industrialists whose names would “impress the public and the legislators”— to lend public support of the cause?

(Credit: Bain Collection/Library of Congress via Wikimedia Commons)

Within a year, Villard had enlisted Greenwich Village writer and John Dewey protégé Max Eastman as the new organization’s secretary, and the hype man’s pro-suffrage speeches and recruitment efforts soon earned headlines like “Male Suffragettes Now in the Field: The Deeper Notes to Join the Soprano Chorus for Women’s Votes.”

By 1911, League membership had grown to 150, with George Foster Peabody, John Dewey, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, and George Creel among the notable men to sign on to the project.

“These were names to knock your socks off,” Kroeger says. “They were big-time financiers, paragons of academia, clergy—leaders in their fields who were running major operations of their own but also took the time to do this.”

Untouchable reputations

In May of that year, 89 Men’s Leaguers, many of them husbands, brothers, or sons of women involved in the movement, joined the second annual Women’s Suffrage Day Parade down 5th Avenue, where they were met with jeers— “hold up your skirts, girls!”—from the crowd of 10,000 spectators.

“It’s hard to imagine a similar issue that everybody could get behind today.”

At a time when public support for a woman’s issue could earn a man ridicule as a “sissy” or worse, having men with untouchable reputations lead the charge was key, as the league’s James Lees Laidlow explained in a 1912 mission statement. “There are many men who inwardly feel the justice of equal suffrage, but who are not ready to acknowledge it publicly, unless backed by numbers. There are other men who are not even ready to give the subject consideration until they see that a large number of men are willing to be counted in favor of it,” he wrote.

The strategy worked, with league chapters soon fanning out from New York across the country. And the growing membership did more than brave hecklers in parades: Taking direction from Shaw, Carrie Chapman Catt, and other NAWSA leaders, men used their connections and political clout to advance the suffragist cause in spheres women couldn’t otherwise have reached.

They argued in favor of women’s suffrage in prestigious publications, sometimes devoting entire issues to the cause lobbied political operatives to get it into party platforms and served on committees to get suffrage bills before legislatures pounded the pavement and raised campaign funds in advance of votes on suffrage amendments and in at least one case even agreed to perform in a suffrage-themed vaudeville routine.

“If you think of who they were and what they were willing to do, it’s sort of remarkable,” Kroeger says—especially considering that in Villard’s original pitch, he’d suggested that league members would have to commit little more than their names to the cause. “It’s also impressive to me that they were Democrats, Republicans, independents, and socialists,” Kroeger adds. “It’s hard to imagine a similar issue that everybody could get behind today.”

(Credit: Library of Congress via Wikimedia Commons)

Arguments for suffrage

By articulating the case for suffrage in terms that would appeal to their particular audiences, the men helped replace older, sentimental arguments about women’s moral purity with stronger logic about democratic justice.

“Every argument for Negro suffrage is an argument for woman suffrage…”

In one speech, criminal justice reformer Judge William H. Wadhams made reference to the Boston Tea Party, framing the suffrage debate in terms of the right to representation. Women “must obey the law and pay the penalties of the law,” he reasoned, adding, “those who have the penalties imposed should have the privileges of citizenship.”

The black civil rights activist W.E.B. DuBois repeatedly turned the pages of his magazine Kriza over to the cause, at one point urging black voters to temporarily forgive the “reactionary attitude of most of white women to our problems,” and take a longer view. “Every argument for Negro suffrage is an argument for woman suffrage every argument for women suffrage is an argument for Negro suffrage,” he wrote. “Both are great movements in democracy.”

Woodrow Wilson’s change of heart

The league members’ efforts were deliberately designed to serve NAWSA’s two-pronged strategy—to campaign for women’s suffrage in individual states while also advocating for an amendment to the national Constitution. Kroeger offers a detailed account of the men’s involvement in the years of legislative maneuvering it took to get the little word “male” removed from the section of the New York State constitution that spelled out who was allowed to vote. (An amendment made it to the ballot but failed to garner enough votes in 1915, so it took a subsequent vote in November 1917 to finally pass it.)

“When else, before or since, have men ever behaved that way over a women’s issue?”

But she also suggests that members of the Men’s League, which included close friends, confidants, and supporters of Woodrow Wilson, may also have also played a pivotal role in shaping the president’s thinking on the issue at the federal level in the tense run-up to the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920.

For years, Wilson “hemmed and hawed and dodged” when asked about his personal views on women’s suffrage, Kroeger says, demurring with lines about states’ rights and the moral complexity of the question that will sound familiar to those who tracked public figures’ ever-evolving stances on more recently polarizing issues such as marriage equality.

It’s impossible to know what finally pushed Wilson to endorse the idea in a 1918 speech to Congress—it could have been women’s contributions to World War I, or the militant suffragists picketing on his lawn—but Kroeger suggests that the Men’s Leaguers in his inner circle must have made an impression.

George Creel, for example, became Wilson’s head of the US Committee on Public Information in 1917. And that same year, another Wilson appointee, Dudley Field Malone, resigned from his post in frustration over the administration’s stalling on the suffrage question. “I think it is high time that men in this generation, at some cost to themselves, stood up to battle for the national enfranchisement of women,” he wrote.

‘The women did it’

Curiously, Kroeger found, the suffrage movement receives little or no mention in the official biographies and memoirs of many of these notable men, even though Men’s League participation in NAWSA activism was widely—even obsessively—covered by the press at the time. This could be simply because they were famous for plenty of other things (Villard was a founder of the NAACP, for example), and helping get women the vote didn’t necessarily top their personal lists of achievements.

But Kroeger also uncovered evidence to suggest that the men may have written themselves out of this history more or less deliberately—in acknowledgement that they’d only come in for the final push for suffrage, after decades of tireless organizing by generations of women going back to the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848.

Laidlaw once said as much, in a speech after the passage of the New York State amendment in 1917: “The women did it. But not by any heroic action, but by hard, steady grinding and good organization.” He added: “We men too have learned something, we who were auxiliaries to the great women’s suffrage party. We have learned to be auxiliaries.”

“I got chills when I read that line,” Kroeger reflects. “When else, before or since, have men ever behaved that way over a women’s issue?”


A Brief History of the Women’s Suffrage Movement in Illinois

Women at work in the offices of the Chicago Political Equality League, ca. 1916.

The Illinois women’s suffrage movement began in 1855 with the formation of the state’s first suffrage association in Earlville, a small town in LaSalle County southwest of Chicago. Suffrage conventions held in 1869 linked early Illinois suffrage activism to the national movement, and resulted in the formation of the first statewide suffrage organization, the Illinois Woman Suffrage Association (IWSA).

The national suffrage movement was sharply divided in the years following the Civil War over issues and strategies, including whether African-American men should be granted suffrage in the 15th Amendment. In addition, some suffrage activists believed that the way to attain suffrage was through a state-by-state approach and partial suffrage measures. Others pressed for a federal amendment granting full suffrage, emphasizing the vote as a woman’s constitutional right of citizenship. Reconciliation between the groups would not take place until the formation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association in 1890.

In 1891, the Illinois state legislature passed a law allowing women to vote for elective school offices. This renewed suffrage activism in the state. Under the leadership of Elizabeth Harbert, the IWSA adopted a new name, the Illinois Equal Suffrage Association (IESA), and transformed its mission as well from “political equality with men” to “political enfranchisement of women.” In 1894, the elite Chicago Woman’s Club established a separate organization to work for the vote, the Chicago Political Equality League (CPEL).

Between 1902 and 1910, CPEL and other Chicago activist-women mobilized around the charter reform movement, believing that a new municipal charter would give Chicago greater control over its internal affairs and enfranchise the city’s women. Although ultimately unsuccessful, the attempt to achieve municipal suffrage succeeded in mobilizing nearly one hundred Chicago women’s groups in support of suffrage. These include the Chicago Women’s Trade Union League, which encouraged support among workers and immigrants, and the Alpha Suffrage Club, which activist Ida B. Wells-Barnett organized among African-American women.

After 1910, the IESA was determined to find a way to gain victory. Early in 1913, IESA established headquarters in Springfield in order to be close by as legislators considered new suffrage bills. They organized nearly every senatorial district in the state with local groups prepared to pressure the state legislature to vote yes on women’s suffrage. And they mounted a successful public relations campaign, with auto tours and parades to spread support. Finally, aided by the recent election of many Progressive candidates in 1912, Illinois women won the vote with passage of the Presidential Suffrage Bill or “Illinois Law” in 1913.

With the passage of this law, Illinois became the first state east of the Mississippi to give women the right to vote. The legislation granted Illinois women the vote in federal and municipal elections not otherwise restricted in the Illinois constitution to men, and this included presidential electors. This meant that in 1916, Illinois women were effectively voting for President. Illinois activists—and their important victory in 1913—helped propel the national movement toward the ultimate goal: a federal amendment granting full suffrage to women which was attained in 1920.

Compiled by Lori Osborne (Director, Evanston Women’s History Project) with help from the following sources:

“Ahead of Their Time: A Brief History of Woman Suffrage in Illinois” by Mark Sorensen (Illinois Heritage, Nov-Dec 2004)

Celebrating 100 Years: Remembering the Past to Inform the Future – a publication of the League of Women Voters of Illinois in honor of the 100th Anniversary of women’s suffrage in Illinois in 2013.

“Sidelights on Illinois Suffrage History” by Grace Wilbur Trout (Časopis Državnog istorijskog društva Illinois, July 1920)

Additional sources: research files for the 2013 anniversary and other materials, housed at the Evanston History Center.

This post was first written for and distributed by the League of Women Voters of Illinois. More League history can be found here.


The League of Women Voters Through the Decades! - Founding and Early History

From the spirit of the suffrage movement and the shock of the First World War came a great idea - that a nonpartisan civic organization could provide the education and experience the public needed to assure the success of democracy. The League of Women Voters was founded on that idea.

In her address to the National American Woman Suffrage Association's (NAWSA) 50 th convention in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1919, President Carrie Chapman Catt proposed the creation of a league of women voters to "finish the fight" and aid in the reconstruction of the nation. And so a League of Women Voters was formed within NAWSA, composed of the organizations in the states where woman suffrage had already been attained.

The next year, on February 14, 1920, six months before the 19 th amendment to the Constitution was ratified, the League was formally organized in Chicago as the National League of Women Voters. Catt described the purpose of the new organization:

The League of Women Voters is not to dissolve any present organization but to unite all existing organizations of women who believe in its principles. It is not to lure women from partisanship but to combine them in an effort for legislation which will protect coming movements, which we cannot even foretell, from suffering the untoward conditions which have hindered for so long the coming of equal suffrage. Are the women of the United States big enough to see their opportunity?

Maud Wood Park became the first national president of the League and thus the first League leader to rise to that challenge. She had steered the women's suffrage amendment through Congress in the last two years before ratification and liked nothing better than legislative work. From the beginning, however, it was apparent that the legislative goals of the League would not be exclusively focused on women's issues and that education aimed at all of the electorate was in order. For almost 90 years, the League has helped millions of women and men become informed participants in government. And it has tackled a diverse range of public policy issues.

From the beginning the League took action on its stands for several years, through effective lobbying, the League got selected issues included in the platforms of both major political parties and worked for enactment of legislation furthering its program goals. Over the years many procedural changes have been made in the way League program is defined, adopted and structured, but through all the changes the basic concept of study-member agreement-action has remained constant.

The League is political, but non-partisan. It never supports political parties or candidates, but it does study issues, develop consensus positions and then actively work to support those positions. As Carrie Chapman Catt noted in 1919, "Is the (League) political? Certainly, but not partisan. Its members are as free as other women to join and vote with the party of their choice. They make no pledge otherwise in joining the League."


Why &ldquoQueer&rdquo the Suffrage Movement?

Why should we &ldquoqueer the suffrage movement&rdquo and reconsider the traditional narrative of suffrage history?

First, it is important simply to acknowledge that queer suffragists existed. This may seem obvious. But, there has been a concerted effort by descendants, biographers, historians, and archivists to explain away or conceal gender-defying and non-heterosexual suffragists.

Suffragists who didn&rsquot conform to the gendered norms of their day were sometimes described as simply &ldquoeccentric&rdquo in an attempt to minimize the significance of their gender expression or identity. Partners of suffragists were often relegated to the status of &ldquoclose friend&rdquo or, worse yet, entirely written out of the biographies all together. This has led to an erasure of queer history.

But these suffragists were important. They made significant contributions and were, in fact, often the very leaders of the suffrage movement. They helped push the movement in more radical directions. They lived and loved deeply, navigating the complexities of their personal and public lives. Their stories deserve to be told.

Queer suffragists thus were fighting for much more than the right to vote. They were fighting for a world where they could be free to be who they were and love who they wanted to love.


Pogledajte video: TV kalendar. r. Josip Pupačić, Novi Zeland: pravo glasa za žene - 1893. (Decembar 2021).

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