Novo

Predsjednički izbori 1928. - historija

Predsjednički izbori 1928. - historija

1928 Rezultati izbora Hoover VS Smith

Kada je Coolidge najavio da se više neće kandidirati, put je bio otvoren za novog republikanskog kandidata. Herbert Hoover nominovan je na prvom glasanju na republikanskoj konvenciji u Kansas Cityju. Nakon Prvog svjetskog rata, Hoover je bio administrator hrane za Evropu i sekretar za trgovinu u Harding i Coolidge administracijama. U svom govoru o prihvaćanju, Hoover je rekao: "Mi smo u Americi danas bliže konačnom trijumfu nad siromaštvom nego ikad prije u istoriji ove zemlje ... Uskoro ćemo uz Božju pomoć biti na vidiku dana kada će siromaštvo bit će prognani iz ove zemlje. "

Demokrate su na drugom glasanju, na njihovoj konvenciji u Houstonu, predložili Alfreda Smitha. Smith je bio prvi rimokatolik koji se kandidovao za predsjednika. Značajna pitanja u kampanji 1928. bila su religija i zabrana. Napadani su Smith, tvrdeći da će, ako bude izabran, od katoličanstva napraviti nacionalnu religiju. Smith se borio protiv zabrane, dok je Hoover podržao njen nastavak. Jedan od slogana koji su koristili Hooverovi borci bio je "Pile u svakom loncu i auto u svakoj garaži."

Kampanja 1928. bila je prva u kojoj je radio odigrao važnu ulogu. Dok je Smith osobno bio bolji aktivist, Hoover se učinkovitije predstavio na radiju. Kombinacija kontinuiranog prosperiteta, u kombinaciji sa zemljom koja još nije bila spremna izabrati katoličkog predsjednika, osigurala je da je Hoover ostvario ogromnu pobjedu.


Predsjednička utrka 1928

Herbert Hoover Predsjednički izbori 1928. bili su jedan od najkontroverznijih u američkoj istoriji, koji je pružio veliki test stranačke lojalnosti u Alabami, koja je istorijski glasala za demokratsku. Kontroverza je okruživala pitanja zabrane, religije, rase, republikanskog prosperiteta i nepovjerenja urbanih političara. Mnogi naučnici smatraju da su 1928. bili prestrojeni izbori na kojima su tradicionalne partijske baze promijenile lojalnost u mjeri u kojoj se promijenio sastav obje stranke. Međutim, u Alabami su birači nastavili podržavati demokratske kandidate velikom većinom, glasajući za Franklina Roosevelta s više od 80 posto razlike između 1932. i 1944. Alfred E. Smith Jedno od najvažnijih pitanja u to vrijeme bila je zabrana, koja je stupila na snagu u siječnju 1920., zabranjujući prodaju, proizvodnju i transport svih pića koja sadrže više od 0,5 posto alkohola. Al Smith, demokratski kandidat, usprotivio se zabrani alkohola s obrazloženjem da o tom pitanju treba odlučivati ​​na državnom nivou. Hoover, republikanski kandidat, bio je zagovornik zabrane. Alabama se smatrala "suhom" državom, što je dovelo državnu Demokratsku stranku u direktan sukob s podrškom nacionalne stranke Smithu. J. Thomas Heflin Thomas Heflin, mlađi senator iz Alabame, izazvao je protiv Smithovog žara kroz govore i pamflete. Heflin je osudio demokrate koji su glasali za stranačke linije umjesto da biraju kandidate na osnovu njihovog stava o pitanjima. Tvrdio je da bi takvi članovi stranke glasali za "žutog psa" ako bi se kandidovao na listi demokrata, što je dovelo do oznake "demokrate žutih pasa", koji je postao popularan kao negativan izraz za opisivanje južnjaka koji su ostali čvrsto vjerni stranke, bez obzira na kandidata.

Izlažući svoju inauguracijsku riječ 4. marta 1929. godine, predsjednik Hoover je obećao Amerikancima da će voditi državu kroz još četiri godine prosperiteta i slobode, ali nije uspio to ispuniti. 29. oktobra 1929. berza je doživjela krah, pa je zemlja ušla u Veliku depresiju. Hooverovo insistiranje da nacionalna vlada nema odgovornost za pružanje direktne pomoći nezaposlenima, gladnima i očajnim Amerikancima utrlo je put demokratskoj pobjedi Franklina D. Roosevelta 1932. Kao rezultat toga, demokrate su kontrolirale Bijelu kuću od 1933. do 1952. godine, kada birači su vratili republikanca, Dwighta D. Eisenhowera, u predsjedništvo. Godine 1960., jedini drugi irski katolički demokrata koji se kandidirao za predsjednika, John F. Kennedy, preuzeo je Bijelu kuću uz samo djelomičnu pomoć Alabame. Država je dala šest izbornih glasova neprijavljenom Harryju Byrdu iz Virdžinije, konzervativnom demokratu koji se protivi integraciji, i započela je prelazak Alabame prema Republikanskoj stranci.

Andersen, Kristi. Stvaranje demokratske većine, 1928-1936. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979.


Fusnote

26 Vidi, na primjer, tretman Nancy Weiss u Oproštaj od Lincolnove stranke: Crna politika u doba FDR -a (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983). Za “push and pull”, pogledajte Michael Fauntroy, Republikanci i crni glas (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2007): 41, 42–55.

27 Postoji velika literatura o kretanju crnih glasača iz Republikanske stranke u Demokratsku stranku: Weiss, Zbogom Lincoln Party Donald J. Lisio, Hoover, Crnci i Lili-Vajts: Studija južnjačkih strategija (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985.) Richard Sherman, Republikanska stranka i Crna Amerika od McKinleyja do Hoovera, 1896–1933 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1973): 134–144.

28 Lisio, Hoover, Crnci i Lili-Vajts: Studija južnjačkih strategija: 260–266 Sherman, Republikanska stranka i Crna Amerika od McKinleyja do Hoovera, 1896–1933: 134–144.

29 Vidi Harold F. Gosnell, Crnogorski političari: uspon crnačke politike u Chicagu (New York: AMS Press, 1969. pretisak izdanja University of Chicago Press iz 1935.): 24–25.

30 Više o pozadini gradske republikanske politike u ovom razdoblju vidi Rita Werner Gordon, “Promjena političkog poravnanja čikaških crnaca tokom New Deala”, Journal of American History 56 (1969): 586–588.

31 Vidi, na primjer, Clay, Bill Clay: Politički glas na travi: 1–6.

32 Za analizu o tome kako je poljoprivredni kolaps na jugu doprinio političkom aktivizmu crnaca, vidi Doug McAdam, Politički proces i razvoj crne pobune, 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982): posebno 65–116.

33 John Hope Franklin i Alfred A. Moss, Jr., Od ropstva do slobode: Povijest afroamerikanaca, 8. izd. (New York: Knopf, 2000): 421.

34 Vidi Franklin i Moss, Od ropstva do slobode: Povijest afroamerikanaca: 421–422 David M. Kennedy, Sloboda od straha: Američki narod u depresiji i ratu, 1929–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999): 87, 164 vidi i Lester Chandler, Američka velika depresija (New York: Harper and Row, 1970.): 40. Nesposobnost nacionalne i lokalne vlade da ublaži afroameričke ekonomske teškoće odigrala je ulogu u odmicanju Afroamerikanaca iz stranke, iako su 1932. crni Čikagi ostali vjerni republikancima Stranka jer je nova administracija gradonačelnika Demokratske stranke oduzela toliko zaposlenih u crnim gradovima patronažne poslove koje im je dodijelila stara Thompsonova mašina. Vidjeti Gordon, “Promjena političkog poravnanja čikaških crnaca tokom novog dogovora”: 591–592.

35 Weiss, Zbogom Lincoln Party: 78–95. Vidi takođe William J. Grimshaw, Gorko voće: Crna politika i Čikaška mašina, 1931–1991 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992): 47–68.

36 Weiss, Zbogom Lincoln Party: 78.

39 Ibid., 212. Drugi naučnik ukazuje na dvije „faze“ crnog političkog prestrojavanja Čikaga: prva se sastoji od registracije na biračkim mjestima na izborima 1936. godine (odgovor na hitne mjere hitne pomoći New Deal -a), a druga koja se dogodila 1944. godine, kada je nacionalna stranka pod FDR prihvatila je širi plan reforme građanskih prava. Vidi Grimshaw, Gorko voće: 52–53 vidi i Gordon, „Promjena u političkom poravnanju čikaških crnaca tokom novog dogovora“: 603.

40 Weiss, Zbogom Lincoln Party: 227.

41 Čak su i na jugu Afroamerikanci bili voljni podržati nacionalnu demokratsku stranku Roosevelta, a kasnije i Trumana. "E sad, ako neko misli da bismo trebali napustiti ovaj demokratski brod i skočiti nazad u kostur južno republikanaca i pomoći mu staviti meso na kosti, ima još neke misli", napisao je urednik crnih novina 1947. "Braćo, bilo nam je previše teško ukrcati se na ovaj brod i ostat ćemo, potonuti ili plivati. ” Citirano u V. O. Key, Južna politika u državi i zajednici (Knoxville: University Press of Tennessee, 1984): 291 izvorno objavio C. Blythe Andres, 29. novembra 1947, Florida Sentinel (Tampa) Fauntroy, Republikanci i crni glas: 56.

42 Drugi crni republikanci bili su Edward Brooke iz Massachusettsa, Melvin Evans sa Djevičanskih otoka, Gary Franks iz Connecticut -a, J. C. Watts iz Oklahome, Allen West sa Floride, Tim Scott iz Južne Karoline, Mia Love iz Utaha i William Hurd iz Teksasa.

43 Harvard Sitkoff, Novi dogovor za crnce: Pojava građanskih prava kao nacionalno pitanje: Dekada depresije (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981): 44–46 citat na stranici 51.

44 Za nedavnu studiju koja sugerira da su pravosudne politike koje je vodila Ruzveltova administracija imale važan utjecaj na buduće presude Vrhovnog suda o građanskim pravima, vidi Kevin McMahon, Preispitivanje Roosevelta o utrci: kako je predsjedništvo utrlo put do Browna (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004): posebno 7–8, 177–202, 218–222.

45 Za pregled vidi Fauntroy, Republikanci i crni glas:45–47.

46 O Eleanor Roosevelt općenito, vidi Sitkoff, Novi dogovor za crnce: 58–62 citat na stranici 60. Za nedavni, sveobuhvatni tretman Eleanor Roosevelt, vidjeti Allida Black, Baca vlastitu sjenu: Eleanor Roosevelt i oblikovanje poslijeratnog liberalizma (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).


Hoover vs Smith, 1928

Demokrat Al Smith izgubio je prilično teško od republikanca Herberta Hoovera, uglavnom zbog jednog razloga: njegove religije. U vrijeme izbora, holandski tunel u New Yorku se upravo dovršavao. Republikanci su svima rekli da je katolički Smith naručio tajni tunel dug 3.500 milja, od holandskog tunela do Vatikana u Rimu, te da će Papa reći u svim predsjedničkim pitanjima ako Smith bude izabran. Vjerojatno nije pomoglo ni to što je Babe Ruth bila ustrajna Smithova pristalica. Mislite da bi mu to išlo u prilog, ali Babe bi se pojavio na događajima noseći samo potkošulju s kriglom piva u jednoj ruci. Kad bi se ljudi protivili njegovom gledištu, Ruth bi jednostavno rekla: "Dođavola s tobom", i završila s njima.


Predsjednički izbori 1928. - historija

U tri prethodna povijesna članka razmatrali smo tri glavne prekretnice u propasti Papskog Rima, a to su poraz "nepobjedive" španske armade, slavna holandska revolucija 1688. i pad papske države 1870. Ta tri poraza su se dogodila u Starom svetu. . . dok se četvrti dogodio u Novom. Mislimo na američke predsjedničke izbore 1928.

Predsjednički izbori u SAD -u 1928. bili su jedan od najvažnijih događaja u čitavoj povijesti Sjedinjenih Država. . . ako ne ceo svet !!

Godine 1870., italijanski patrioti oslobodili su Rim, a Papska država zauvijek je nestala. Papa je bio samoproglašeni zatvorenik u ogromnoj vatikanskoj palači, a protok srebra i zlata (pravog novca) u Vatikan uvelike su ograničili talijanski običaji.

Papa je ODBIO prihvatiti gubitak Papinske države. Već 1864. objavio je Plan grešaka u kojem je rekao da je ozbiljna GREŠKA za rimokatolike da kažu da ne bi trebao biti vremenski monarh ili kralj i imati svoje države:

76. Ukidanje vremenske moći koju posjeduje Apostolska Stolica u najvećoj bi mjeri doprinijelo slobodi i prosperitetu Crkve. —Dodatke "Quibus quantisque", 20. aprila 1849, "Si semper antea", 20. maja 1850. (Osuđeno kao greška).

Kao rezultat toga, papa Pio IX naredio je milionima rimokatolika da emigriraju u Sjedinjene Američke Države, preuzmu vladu i iskoriste golemi ekonomski i vojni potencijal naše voljene zemlje u beznadežno pokušaj povratka izgubljene Papinske Države !!

Prošlo je više od 40 godina od pada Papinske države, a sada je došlo vrijeme da se uvuče u mrežu i iskrca velike ribe. To je značilo rimokatoličkog predsjednika koji će vratiti Papi njegovu bivšu slavu. . . sa ARMS -om Sjedinjenih Država. To je ARMS kao u vojni . . . ne milostinja kao u dobrotvorne svrhe za siromašne !!

Izabran za ovu nemoguću misiju bio je Alfred Emanuel Smith ili & quotAl & quot Smith kako je on bio poznatiji. Al je bio proizvod parohijskog školskog sistema i ozloglašeno korumpirane Tammany Hall u New Yorku.

Smithova potraga za Bijelom kućom započela je 1918. godine kada su ga sponzori poslali u Albany kao guvernera države New York.

Guverner Alfred E. Smith (1873-1944).

Tammany Hall u New Yorku bio je dom korumpirane Smith -ove političke mašine.

U junu 1928. godine, Smith je službeno nominiran za predsjednika od strane Demokratske stranke u Houstonu u Teksasu:

& quotU noći u četvrtak, 28. juna 1928, sastala se Demokratska konvencija koja je izabrala svog kandidata za predsjednika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U to vrijeme etiketa je zahtijevala da se najbolji kandidati drže kod kuće sa bilo koje konvencije koja bi ih mogla nominirati, pa je u Albanyju novi radio instaliran u izvršnoj vili. Al i njegova porodica sjedili su zalijepljeni i slušali svako veče do ponoći, a ponekad su odlazili na spavanje čak do 4:00 ujutro. Ovo je bio prvi put u istoriji da je sastanak velike stranke bio emitovan od obale do obale na radio mreži, a svi su komentarisali da je Houston došao tako jasno, kao da se konvencija održava upravo u salonu. & Quot ( Slayton, Empire Stateman, str. 256).

Smith i njegovi kolege kardinali na stepenicama gradske vijećnice u New Yorku 1926. Al Smith je u centru.

Al je bio potpuno podređen hijerarhiji u Rimu i imao je neograničeno finansiranje, a do predsjedničkih izbora ostalo je samo 4 kratka mjeseca.

Al Smith vodi kampanju za Predsjedništvo iz voza.

Al Smith i Joe Robinson, američki senator iz Arkansasa, njegov suprug 1928.

Joe Robinson kasnije će umrijeti od srčanog udara pokušavajući pomoći FDR -u da upakuje Vrhovni sud.

Predsjednik je vrhovni zapovjednik oružanih snaga, a Al Smith bi kao predsjednik naredio američku invaziju na Italiju i ZAHTJEVAO da Talijani vrate vremensku moć !!

Domoljubni građani mobilisani su da zaustave Smitha

U to vrijeme, patriotizam nije bio mrtav u srcima većine američkog naroda. Vojska lojalnih građana naoružanih Biblijom i Ustavom brzo je mobilisala i zasitila zemlju protestantskom literaturom. Jedan od najistaknutijih i marljivih Gospodovih radnika bio je William Lloyd Clark iz Milana, Illinois.

William Lloyd Clark (1869 - 1935).

William Lloyd Clark i njegova mobilna propovjedaonica.

William Lloyd Clark bio je izdavač Rail Splitter Press -a u Milanu, Illinois. Preci ovog VELIKOG učenjaka i rodoljuba došli su u Sjedinjene Države iz Hibernije i zemlje svetog Patrika oko 1820.

On je bio armija JEDNOG: reformator, reporter, pisac, urednik, štampar, predavač koji je pokrivao zemlju lično i sa svojim anti-rimskim knjigama. Tokom svoje 40 -godišnje karijere autor je više od 140 knjiga sa tiražom od 100.000.000 širom svijeta.

Neredi, zatvaranja, nemiri pratili su ga gdje god je stigao, ali ustrajao je i spriječio Smitha da dobije Bijelu kuću.

Vitezovi Kolumbovi širili su lažnu informaciju da će Smithova pobjeda značiti prijenos papinskog prijestolja iz Rima u Washington City, te da će Papa odatle vladati svijetom:

& quotČim se gospodin Smith uspostavi u Washingtonu i postavi prave ljude u različite urede i pripremi vojsku i mornaricu, mi naravno planiramo dovesti Njegovu Svetost i uspostaviti ga u Bijeloj kući u Washingtonu, gdje će sa ogromni resursi Katoličke Amerike i uz podršku vojske i mornarice mogu preuzeti svoju pravu poziciju vladara svijeta. Uspjeli smo politički izolirati Englesku od svih njenih bivših saveznika i ona će uskoro morati kapitulirati i poslije toga. & Quot Od svih militantnih sinova crkve će se očekivati ​​da će se držati spremni za odlazak u Washington i savladati svaki otpor koji bi protestanti mogli pružiti uspostavljanju Sveta Stolica tamo. & Quot (Williams, Papina sjena, str. 239).

Ovo je naravno grubo dezinformacije jer svako ko je upoznat sa Silabusom zna da je pogrešno reći da Papa može napustiti Rim:

35. Ništa ne sprečava dekret općeg sabora ili čin svih naroda da se vrhovni pontifikat prenese s biskupa i grada Rima na drugog biskupa i drugi grad. — "Ad Apostolicae", 22. augusta 1851. (osuđeno kao greška).

Suprotno je, naravno, bila istina sa predsjednikom Smitom koji je naredio vojsci i mornarici Sjedinjenih Država da obnove Papinsku državu !!

Crtani film prikazuje sastanak rimskog kabineta u Bijeloj kući sa & quot; Alkoholom & quot; Smith koji poslužuje piće.

Zloglasna zakletva vitezova Kolumbova 4. stepena objavljena je naširoko tokom kampanje 1928. godine.

Pismo g. Clarku iz New Yorka.

& quotSMITH, RASCOB AND CO., DISPLAY RAIL SPLITTER I DRUGA PATRIOTSKA LITERATURA.

& quotTri dana prije izbora papinska crkva je priredila veliku izložbu antipapske književnosti u jednom od najistaknutijih kutka u New Yorku. Budući da nam je ovaj eksponat koji je neprijatelj postavio pred ljude donio mnogo pisama i pretplata, želim im se zahvaliti na usluzi. Kad Rim u budućnosti poželi prikazati patriotsku književnost, mi ćemo ih, ako nas obavijesti, pomoći slanjem liberalnog asortimana plakata, traktata, pamfleta itd. Evo priče dobro ispričane u pismu iz New York prijatelj: & quotJedna stvar koju vam možemo reći: Tammany, Rascob & amp Co., New York City, tri dana prije izbora unajmili su najveću kutnu radnju u GENERAL MOTORS BUILDINGU i održali besplatnu izložbu onoga što su nazvali "LITERATURA NETOLERANCIJE" I VELIKO. ' Bilo je to na 57. ulici i Broadwayu, jednom od najistaknutijih uglova u New Yorku. Literatura je bila izložena na panelima, gdje su svi mogli vidjeti i čitati. Dizajniran je tako da pobudi irske katolike itd. U isto vrijeme to je bila divna reklama za patriotske novine. Bila su dva eksponata iz The Rail Splittera. Jedan je bio broj kardinala 'Al' Smitha, a drugi letak kardinala 'Al' Smitha & quot (Clark, Moja bitka sa grimiznom zveri, str. 29).

Predsjednički rezultati 1928

Za Rim je SVE bilo na kocki na ovim izborima učini ili umri. Čak su i dušama u čistilištu obećane jednodnevne slobode ako glasaju za Smitha.

Do posljednjeg trenutka, demokrate su bile sigurne u Smithovu pobjedu, posebno na jugu. Tada su rezultati počeli dolaziti i u Smitovom kampu vladala je potpuna tuga:

Rezultati predsjedničkih izbora 1928.

Ishod predsjedničkih izbora 1928. bio je katastrofa za Al Smitha. Osvojio je samo 8 država od 48, a nije imao ni svoju državu New York .:

& quot Ali još zapanjujuće razočaranje došlo je kada su saznali da se država New York čini izgubljenom za demokrate vrlo glasnim glasanjem. Rooseveltovi poručnici, Ed Flynn i James A. Farley, poslali su žice upućujući partijske radnike da pomno prate kasne povratke sa sjeverne države. Međutim, kako je veče odmicalo, Smith je doznao istinu, njegovo lice je postalo sivo dok mu je povjerenje nestalo. Bila je jedna stvar izgubiti, časno izgubiti u odnosu na ogromne šanse, ali to što ga je njegova stranka na jugu i u svojoj državi odbacila bilo je zaista gorko. Prijavljeno je da je mračno rekao: "Pa još nije došlo vrijeme kada čovjek može izgovoriti svoje perle u Bijeloj kući." (Josephson, Al Smith, str. 398).

Jedina svijetla strana Al Smitha bila je ta što ga je njegov prot & eacuteg & eacute, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, zamijenio na mjestu guvernera države New York.

Jezuiti su bili bijesan kada je Al Smith izgubio Bijelu kuću

Jezuiti su bili bijesni kada je odbijen "Kardinal" Al Smith. Ovo je bila njena velika šansa da povrati izgubljenu Papsku državu i završila je kao potpuni promašaj.

Njen prvi čin osvete bio je spaliti dom gospodina Clarka do temelja.

Clarkov dom u Milanu, Illinois.

Clark kući nakon požara u januaru 1929.

Jezuiti su spaljivali kuću gospodina Clarka do temelja januara 1929. Sav njen sadržaj, uključujući hiljade vrlo rijetkih knjiga, bio je uništen.

Vatikan je očajnički želio povratak Papske države ili barem koridora do mora iz Rima. S porazom na izborima, morali su se zadovoljiti sa 10 hektara u Rimu zvanom Vatikanska gradska država.

U veljači 1929. godine Vatikan je s Mussolinijem potpisao Lateranski ugovor kojim je Vatikanu dodijeljeno 110 jutara zemlje koja će biti poznata kao Vatikanska gradska država. To je bilo sve čemu su se mogli nadati s gubitkom američkih izbora. Bio je to vrlo loš kompromis, jer Vatikanu nije dao vlastiti aerodrom i pristup moru. Sve što je prolazilo u državu Vatikan i dalje je moralo proći talijansku carinu.

Benito Mussolini čita svoje akreditive prije potpisivanja Lateranskog ugovora u ime kralja Viktora Emmanuela III. Kardinal Gasparri (sjedi), potpisan u ime pape Pija XI.

Država Vatikan je najmanji stanje u svetu.

Vatikan, jedna od europskih mikrodržava, nalazi se na Vatikanskom brdu u zapadno-središnjem dijelu Rima, nekoliko stotina metara zapadno od rijeke Tiber. Njegove granice (3,2 km ili 2 milje ukupno, sve unutar Italije) pomno prate gradski zid izgrađen da zaštiti Papu od vanjskih napada. Situacija je složenija na čuvenom Trgu Svetog Petra ispred bazilike Svetog Petra, gdje je ispravna granica neposredno izvan elipse koju je formirala Berninijeva kolonada, ali gdje je policijska nadležnost povjerena Italiji. Vatikan je najmanja suverena država na svijetu sa 0,44 kvadratna kilometra (108,7 hektara).

Drugi čin osvete za odbijanje Al Smitha bio je Wall St. Crash u oktobru 1929. Jezuiti su planirali uništiti američku ekonomiju i uništiti male izdavače poput gospodina Clarka. Prije pada bilo je na hiljade protestantskih izdavača, ali Velika depresija uzrokovala je zatvaranje većine njih.

Linije hljeba za vrijeme Velike depresije.

Squatters se bacaju u Kaliforniji tokom Velike depresije.

Slom berze na Wall Streetu 1929. godine označio je početak Velike depresije. Proizvodnja je naglo pala. Nezaposlenost je prošla kroz krov. Samo su vrlo bogati imali novca pa je kupovina odbijena.

Ljudi su izgubili posao, domove i ušteđevinu, a mnogi su za preživljavanje ovisili o dobrotvornim ustanovama. Godine 1933. više od 15 miliona američkih građana,#8212 jedna četvrtina nacionalne radne snage, bilo je nezaposleno. Zbog velike veličine američke ekonomije, Velika depresija je imala negativan učinak na većinu drugih zemalja svijeta.

Velika depresija dovela je do Rooseveltovog predsjedništva

Milioni ljudi bili su gladni i očajni, pa je došao i vitez u sjajnom oklopu po imenu Franklin Delano Roosevelt ili FDR kako bi spasio situaciju. On je bio prot & eacuteg & eacute i blizak prijatelj Al Smitha i naslijedio ga je na mjestu guvernera New Yorka 1929.

Smith čestita Rooseveltu na preuzimanju dužnosti guvernera savezne države New York 1929.

Smith sa Rooseveltom na osmatračnici zgrade Empire State tokom ceremonija otvaranja u maju 1931.

Roosevelt i Hitler su iskoristili Veliku depresiju da uzurpiraju moć !!

Velika depresija, koja je započela u oktobru 1929, uzrokovala je kolaps svjetskog finansijskog sistema. Milioni ljudi širom svijeta ostali su bez posla i suočili su se s mogućnošću gladovanja. Ovaj finansijski kolaps projektiran od strane "Federalne banke" rezervne banke dao je Rooseveltu priliku da uzurpira vlast u SAD -u, a Hitler je iskoristio istu krizu da postane F & uumlhrer u Njemačkoj.

Rooseveltova inauguracija 4. marta 1933. On je bio poslednji Predsjednik će biti inaugurisan na Ustavni datum 4. marta.

Hitler je postao njemački diktator u ožujku 1933. Hitler je zapravo bio & citiran & quot kancelar u januaru 1933., ali požar u Reichstagu je zapečatio sudbinu slobode u Njemačkoj.

4. mart je bio tradicionalni Dan inauguracije predsjednika od 1793. do 1933. godine !!

Dan inauguracije održan je 4. marta od druge inauguracije Georgea Washingtona 1793. godine. Ratifikacijom 12. amandmana 27. jula 1804. predsjednički mandat istekao je 4. marta:

& quotI ako Predstavnički dom neće izabrati predsjednika kad god na njih dodjeljuje pravo izbora, prije četvrtog dana sljedećeg marta, potpredsjednik će djelovati kao predsjednik, kao u slučaju smrti ili drugog ustavnog invaliditeta predsjednika & quot (Amandman XII na Ustav SAD -a, ratificiran 1804.).

Dan izbora obično se održava 4. novembra, a predsjednički birači sastaju se prvog ponedjeljka nakon druge srijede u prosincu, kako bi dali svoj glas za predsjednika i potpredsjednika SAD -a

To daje nadolazećem predsjedniku najmanje 4 mjeseca da se pripremi za prelazak vlasti na novu patriotsku administraciju.

20. amandman promijenio je Dan inauguracije u 20. januar. Ovaj amandman uveden je u dubinama Velike depresije, kada je većinu ljudi omela borba za preživljavanje, te su imali malo vremena za razmišljanje o predsjedničkim inauguracijama. Možete biti sigurni da gotovo nikakve novine ili radio stanice nisu spominjale izmjene i dopune. Kao i 25. amandman, to je učinjeno u tajnosti i tajnosti.

Predloženi amandman, koji se ponekad naziva i amandman “Lame Duck, ” poslan je državama 3. marta 1932. od strane Sedamdeset drugog kongresa. Ratifikovan je 23. januara 1933. godine, ali je, u skladu sa odjeljkom 5, odjeljcima 1 i 2, stupio na snagu tek 15. oktobra 1933.

2 prošla neuspjeha u obnavljanju Papinske države

Vjerovali ili ne, Pentagon je zapravo napao Italiju 1943. godine. To je bilo za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata, a iskrcavanje je izvršeno u Anziju i Salernu, a Rim je konačno okupiran 4. juna 1944. BERLIN je trebao biti njihovo glavno odredište, ali su im čitači karte bili su pomalo zbunjeni jer se Rim nalazi na oko 1180 kilometara od Berlina preko vrlo planinskog terena:

Vojnici generala Marka Clarka okupirali su Rim 1944.

Američki vojnici marširali su u Rimu tokom okupacije.

Da je Rusija izgubila od nacističke Njemačke, ovo je bila savršena prilika da preuredite kartu Italije i vratite Papi prijašnju slavu.

Još jedan pokušaj ponovne podjele Italije i obnove Papinske države napravljen je 1979. To je bilo pod maskom borbe protiv "mafije" na Siciliji.

Ujedinjenje Italije počelo je na SICILIJI 1860. godine, kada je Garibaldi iskrcao sa svojih poznatih 1.000 dobrovoljaca u crvenim košuljama. Rasjedinjenje Italije započelo je kada je Pentagon kontrolisao Mediteran nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Nakon što je napravljen presedan, a Sicilija se uspješno otcijepila, Pentagon je očekivao da će to slijediti i ostale regije Italije, a konačni rezultat Papinske države vraćen je Papi.

Michele Sindona (1920-1986) Bankar Sv. Petra.

Kontraadmiral Max. K. Morris (1924 ----).

U junu 1979. Michele Sindona sastao se sa grupom kolega Sicilijanaca kako bi planirali otcjepljenje Sicilije od Italije:

Rat u Iraku je posljednji pokušaj da se povrate izgubljene Papinske Države !!

Rusija je bila jedna od prvih zemalja koja je priznala novu talijansku vladu kada se preselila u Rim 1871. Zbog toga su morale patiti od komunizma, Drugog svjetskog rata i Hladnog rata.

Oni su jedina zemlja s dovoljnom vojnom moći koja je spriječila Pentagon da naredi Talijanima da vrate države.

Irak ima OGROMNE rezerve nafte koje bi se mogle potpuno besplatno pumpati kako bi se smanjile svjetske cijene nafte i nanijelo štetu ruskoj ekonomiji. Zato je Pentagon napao Irak i rodno mesto Abrahama i oca vernika.

SVE ratove od 1870. godine započela je španska inkvizicija u ludoj potrazi za povratkom izgubljenih država !!

Velika depresija ili ne, gospodin Clark se mobilizirao da zaustavi Papino oruđe Roosevelta i po svaku cijenu ga izvuče iz Bijele kuće. Sljedeća prilika za to bili su predsjednički izbori 1936. Nažalost po Sjedinjene Države. . . i cijeli svijet, gospodin Clark je otrovan i otišao na svoju vječnu nagradu 1935. Ovdje je a proročanski citat iz njegove posljednje knjige, Od Belshazzara do Roosevelta:

& quotNe zaboravite da je svaki put kad se Smith kandidovao Roosevelt govorio o nominaciji. Smith je papa do srži kralježnice. Roosevelt je toliko propapski pa će učiniti sve što Papa želi. Roosevelt je po mnogo čemu opasniji čovjek od Smitha. Povremeno je Smith pokazivao neke znakove mentalne nezavisnosti. Što se tiče Ruzvelta, crkva ga posjeduje i kontroliše, mentalno, moralno i politički. Dajte Rooseveltu četiri godine u Bijeloj kući i crkva će se tako duboko ukorijeniti u saveznoj vladi da ništa osim revolucije neće iskorijeniti paganski papski sistem. & Quot (Clark, Od Belshazzara do Roosevelta, str. 11).

Iako je država Vatikan najmanji zemlja u svijetu, ona ima NAJVIŠU STOPU ZLOČINA po glavi stanovnika od bilo koje druge države na svijetu:

& quotZa razliku od uglavnom ceremonijalne Švicarske garde, vatikanska policija je izuzetno zaposlena. Po stanovniku se počini više zločina nego u bilo kojoj drugoj zemlji na svijetu. Velika većina (98%) su pljačke počinjene nad turistima koji posjećuju Sikstinsku kapelu, muzeje ili jedini Vatikanski supermarket. Džepari i otimači torbi su rasprostranjeni. & Quot (Yallop, Moć i slava, str. 442).

Clark, William Lloyd. Moja bitka sa grimiznom zveri. Rail Splitter Press, Milan, Illinois, 1932.

Clark, William Lloyd. Od Belshazzara do Roosevelta. Rail Splitter Press, Milano, Illinois, 1934.

DiFonzo, Luigi, Bankar St. St. Peters: Michele Sindona. Franklin Watts, New York, 1983.

Josephson, Matthew & amp Hannah Al Smith: Heroj gradova. Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1969. godina.

Slayton, Robert A. Empire Stateman. Uspon i otkup Al Smitha. The Free Press, New York, 2001.

Schroeder, Theodore. Al Smith, Papa i predsjedništvo. (Samostalno objavljeno u New Yorku 1928).

Williams, Michael, Papina sjena, McGraw Hill Book Co., New York, 1932.

Yallop, David. Moć i slava. Unutar tamnog srca Vatikana Ivana Pavla II. Garroll & amp Graf Publishers, New York, 2007.


1928 Predsjednički izbori u Sjedinjenim Državama u New Yorku

The 1928 Predsjednički izbori u Sjedinjenim Državama u New Yorku održano je 6. novembra 1928. Svih 48 savremenih država bilo je dio predsjedničkih izbora u Sjedinjenim Državama 1928. godine. Državni glasači izabrali su 45 birača na izbornu školu, koja je izabrala predsjednika i potpredsjednika.

Hoover je pobijedio s pluralom od 49,79 posto glasova naspram Smithovih 47,44 posto, što je razlika od 2,35 bodova. Kandidat socijalista Norman Thomas završio je na dalekom trećem mjestu, sa 2,44 posto.

Although New York was Al Smith's home state and he had been elected governor there, the 1920s were a fiercely Republican decade in American politics, and New York during the Fourth Party System was a fiercely Republican state in presidential elections. In 1928, Herbert Hoover was winning the third consecutive nationwide Republican landslide, and the economic boom and social good feelings of the Roaring Twenties under popular Republican leadership proved too much for Smith to overcome both nationally and in his home state.

However Smith's performance in New York was still impressive in the context of the 1920s, and highly significant in shaping the state's political development. In the elections preceding 1928, New York had been more Republican than the nation as a whole, even in the nationwide Republican landslides of 1920 and 1924. Smith's narrow 2-point defeat in the midst of the nationwide Republican landslide of 1928 made New York State fifteen percentage points more Democratic than the national average.

Smith's 47.44 percent was also the highest vote share a Democratic presidential candidate had received in New York State since former New York Governor Grover Cleveland won the state in 1892.

Smith dramatically improved upon how Democrats before him had done, and laid the groundwork for turning the state Democratic in 1932 and beyond. In 1920 and 1924, Republicans had swept every county in New York State and Democrats had received less than thirty percent of the vote. In 1928, Smith came within 2 points of winning the state by sweeping all five boroughs of heavily populated New York City, winning the state capital of Albany and Albany County along with neighboring Rensselaer County, and winning two counties in northern New York along the Saint Lawrence River, Clinton County and Franklin County.

Key to Smith's strength in New York State was his sweep of the five massively populated boroughs of New York City. A New York City native, Smith took over 60% of the vote in Manhattan and the Bronx, and also won majorities in Brooklyn, Queens, and Staten Island. Up to this point, 1928 was the strongest victory ever for a Democrat in NYC. Smith, a Roman Catholic of Irish, Italian, and German immigrant heritage, held special appeal to Catholic and ethnic immigrant communities that populated cities like New York and Boston. The first Catholic to be nominated on a major-party ticket, Smith's Catholicism would severely weaken his candidacy in many rural parts of the country, especially in the South, [2] but would prove an asset in appealing to voters in New York. [3]

The urban, ethnic coalition that delivered New York City to Al Smith would prove to be a harbinger of long-term realignment of both the city and the state toward the Democratic Party. [3] 1928 began a Democratic winning streak in New York City that has never been broken since, as New York would be solidified as one of the most Democratic cities in the United States, [4] and a major obstacle to overcome for any Republican seeking to compete in New York State. 1928 also turned the state capital of Albany, which had previously been a Republican city, into a Democratic bastion in upstate New York.

Hoover for his part was able to hold on to New York State's electoral votes in 1928 by sweeping much of traditionally staunchly Republican upstate New York and Long Island, where help from his successor Franklin D. Roosevelt could not swing dry, Protestant Yankee voters to Smith. [5] In addition, the turnout and margins were not yet there in New York City to overcome Republican dominance in the rest of the state. In 1932, Franklin Roosevelt would build on Smith's coalition to flip New York State into the Democratic column, winning the state with virtually the same county map as Smith, but with stronger margins and turnout.


The Great Realignment: The 1928 Presidential Election, Part 1

This is the first part of two posts analyzing in detail the 1928 presidential election.

The second post can be found here.

The Context

In a previous post, part of a series analyzing the Democratic Party during the 1920s, I spoke of how the 1928 presidential election constituted a realigning election.

The 1928 presidential election marked the beginning of a great shift in American politics. It was when the Democratic Party started changing from a minority and fundamentally conservative organization into the party that would nominate Senator Barack Obama for president.

?In 1928, the Democratic Party nominated Governor Al Smith of New York. Mr. Smith was nominated as a Catholic Irish-American New Yorker who directly represented Democratic-voting white ethnics. Mr. Smith’s Catholicism, however, constituted an affront to Democratic-voting white Southerners, who at the time were the most important part of the party’s base.

The 1928 presidential election thus saw a mass movement of white Southerners away from the Democrats, corresponding with a mass movement of white ethnics towards the Democrats. This was the beginning of the great realignment of the South to the Republican Party and the Northeast to the Democratic Party.

Several maps illustrate this point succinctly. Here is the 1924 presidential election:

Here is the 1928 presidential election:

As one can tell, there is quite a bit of change from the one presidential election to the next. Democratic strength in the Solid South weakens considerably, while the Republican Midwest and Northeast become much less red.

However, it is somewhat difficult to go further into detail just by comparing the two maps. One can sense that a lot is changing, and that certain regions of the country are moving in diametrically opposed directions. But it is all rather vague.

I therefore decided, out of curiosity, to create an actual map of the shift from 1924 to 1928. Here it is:

This is quite the interesting map. One can see the outlines of the current Democratic electoral map here. In some cases the correlation is quite tight. For instance, Indiana is the only state in the Rustbelt to vote more Republican in 1928 – and what do you know, today Indiana votes the most Republican out of all the states in that region.

In general the relationship is very strong in the eastern half of the country. The only “wrong” states are today’s Democratic strongholds of Maryland and Delaware. Also, the degree of shift does not perfectly correlate to Republican strength in some of the Southern states. But these are small details in the East, states that moved Democratic in 1928 vote Democratic today, while states that moved Republican in 1928 vote Republican today.

West of Minnesota, however, the relationship breaks down. In more than a third of the states in the West, the way they shifted in 1928 is opposite of how they vote today. The most obvious outlier is Utah, today a rock-solid Republican stronghold that moved sharply Democratic in 1928.

There are two other very interesting and strange things that are happening in this map. They will be the subject of the next post.

Inoljt

Right now, I am a college student living in southern California. I’ve been heavily following politics for as long as I can remember.

I would characterize myself as a left-leaning political moderate. I’m somewhat socially conservative and fairly economically liberal (as defined in the United States). I will attempt to maintain a high-level, respectful level of argumentation – even if I disagree vehemently with a particular person or a particular political viewpoint.


Religion figured prominently in the 1928 presidential election when Alfred E. Smith, the Democratic governor of New York, became the first Catholic to run as the candidate of a major political party. Smith, who ran against the Republican Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover, tried to downplay the subject of his religion. In his speech accepting the presidential nomination, Smith sought to reassure voters that he would not favor Catholics, “Wets” (supporters of Prohibition), or Easterners if elected president. While his words may have reassured some, his obvious New York accent reinforced the worries—and prejudices—of others.

Al Smith: I am entirely unwilling to accept the old order of things as the best, unless, and until I become convinced, that it cannot be made better. While this is a government of laws, and not of men, laws do not execute themselves. We must have people of character and outstanding ability to save the nation. To me, the greatest elements of satisfaction, in my nomination, is the fact that I owe it to no man, or to no set of men. I can with complete honesty make the statement that my nomination was brought out by no promise, given or implied, by me or anybody in my behalf. I will not be influenced in appointments by the question of a person’s wet or dry attitude. I will not be influenced in appointments by the fact that a man is either rich or poor, whether he comes from the North, the East, the South or the West, or by what church he attends in the worship of God. The sole standard of my appointment will be the same as they’ve been in my governorship: integrity of the man or woman, and his ability, or her ability, to give me the greatest possible aid in devoted service to the people.

Source: Courtesy of the Michigan State University, G. Robert Vincent Voice Library.


Democratic Presidential candidate Al Smith faced a vicious campaign of anti-Catholic innuendoes and slurs—both covert and overt—in the 1928 election. A widely distributed periodical called the Fellowship Forum declared that “The real issue in this campaign is PROTESTANT AMERICANISM VERSUS RUM AND ROMANISM.” Anti-Catholicism was not confined to fringe groups. One of the most vocal opponents of a Catholic presence in American politics was Thomas J. Heflin, the junior senator from Alabama, who delivered some of his most vicious speeches on the floor of the Senate. Heflin’s January 18, 1928, speech before his Senate colleagues blamed the defeat of 1924 Democratic presidential candidate John W. Davis on Roman Catholics (“Al Smith’s crowd”) who demanded—to Heflin’s outrage—that the party denounce the Klan.

What did I see in the [1924 Democratic] convention at New York? I saw Roman Catholic delegates in the corridors of the hotels noisily demanding that the Ku-Klux-Klan be denounced by the Democratic convention. I talked to a number of them. I said, “Gentlemen, that question has got no business in this convention you may not like the Klan, but you have got no business trying to get a National Democratic Convention to denounce it. It is a Protestant order and Protestants generally think that you want it denounced because you are Catholics. What would you think if it sought to denounce the Knights of Columbus by the convention? Nobody but Catholics can join that order.” "No,“ they replied,” we want the convention to denounce it.“ I said, ”If you do, you will tear the Democratic Party to pieces,“ and a number of them replied, ”To hell with the party if it will not denounce the Klan." So I tell you Senators again that they put Roman Catholic government above everything, above the Democratic Party, and above their country. That is plain talk, but it is the plain truth.

What happened? They proceeded with their fight. In the committee room [former Democratic presidential candidate] William Jennings Bryan—peace to his ashes, God rest his soul—struggled to keep that issue out of the convention. He and his friends defeated [it] in the committee on platform and resolutions, and then they came out on the convention floor with it, and Roman Catholics who are prominent in their party demanded that the convention put their denunciation in the Democratic platform. Five thousand lawless hoodlums, Roman Catholics from Tammany [the New York City Democratic political organization] stood in the rear of the hall, and when one Roman Catholic official, a Senator, was speaking in favor of denouncing the Klan they cheered him to the echo.

Then, when Mr. Bryan came out to try to prevent this threatened split in the party, to try to calm the element that sought to kill the hope of party success, what did they do? This bunch of Tammanyites hissed him and heckled him, and it was nearly 30 minutes before he could say a word. I, with others, putting our hands up to our mouths in this fashion (illustrating), hollered to them to desist . . . . [Then,] an officious Roman Catholic official of some sort on the platform of the convention came up and put his hand on my shoulder and told me if I did not stop that noise he would have to put me out. Well, I wish Senators could have seen the situation. I told him, “If you do not get back where you belong, I will knock you off this platform.” And he got back. That is the situation that we found there, when they were doing what? When as Roman Catholics—not as Americans, not as Democrats—they were demanding that a Democratic convention that had nothing on earth to do with the Ku Klux fraternity, or any other fraternity, should damn it and denounce it in convention.

What happened? They called the roll and the proposition was defeated by four votes. Then they went to work from Saturday night until Monday morning to get some of the delegates to change their minds and reconsider the proposition and put it in the platform. I told some of the delegates from my state that if Alabama voted for that motion I would denounce the delegation over my signature in the state and go to the mat with them all. And the Alabama delegation did not go with them to reconsider the proposition.

Some Senators know about that. What next? John W. Davis [1924 Democratic Presidential candidate]—a very able, clever gentleman but the poorest politician that ever stood In front of a political army—permitted these gentlemen, not as Americans, not as Democrats, but as Roman Catholics, to insist that he denounce the Ku-Klux Klan and finish our chances of success at the polls after the convention had rejected that motion.

Then they sent word to Mr. [Calvin] Coolidge [the Republican candidate] so it is said, to join Mr. Davis in denouncing the Klan. A bunch of priests called on him and told him Davis was going to denounce the Klan, it is said, and that he had better denounce it, too, and they would eliminate that question as an issue.

Coolidge said he did not make a chatterbox out of his mouthabout things that were not in the platform. (Laughter.) And he got elected the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Blease) suggests. But what did John W. Davis do? . . . .

John W. Davis denounced it after this group of Catholics from Tammany, New York City, Al Smith’s crowd, insisted that he denounce it . . . . And in an evil hour Davis denounced the Klan and lost four States by that action . . . .

Mr. President, in the name of all that is dear to us as a free people I call on my countrymen to wake up. The climax of this move is Al Smith’s candidacy for President. Wake up, Americans! Gird your loins for political battle, the like of which you here not seen in all the tide of time in this country. Get ready for this battle. The Roman Catholics of every country on the earth are backing his campaign. Already they are spending money in the South buying up newspapers, seeking to control the vehicles that carry the news to the people. They are sending writers down there from New York and other places to misrepresent and slander our State, all this to build a foundation on which to work for Al Smith for President. The Roman Catholic edict has gone forth in secret articles, “Al Smith is to be made President.” Doctor McDaniel said: “Of all countries the Pope wants to control this country.” "The Knights of Columbus slogan,“ said Doctor Chapman, . . . ”is make America Catholic." Here they tell you in their book that they will force the propaganda of Protestants to cease, they will lay the heavy hand of a Catholic state upon you and crush the life out of Protestantism in America.

Source: Rekord Kongresa (January 28, 1928), 1st Session, 70th Congress, vol. 69, pt. 2, 1654󈞣, 1658.


Election of 1928: Americans Are Presented With a Clear Choice

THE MAKING OF A NATION – a program in Special English by the Voice of America.

The presidential election of 1928 gave American voters a clear choice between two different kinds of candidates and political parties. The Democratic Party nominated Al Smith, the popular governor of the state of New York. The Republican Party chose Herbert Hoover, an engineer and businessman who served as secretary of commerce for Presidents Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge.

Governor Alfred Smith of New York had campaigned for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1924. But he was defeated at the party convention by a compromise candidate, John Davis.

Four years later, however, Smith could not be stopped. He had a strong record as governor of the nation's most heavily-populated state. He campaigned for the presidency on a policy of building new electric power stations under public control.

Smith knew that many conservative Americans might be worried by his new ideas and his belief in strong government. So he chose as his campaign manager a Republican industrial leader who had worked with General Motors, DuPont, and other major companies.

Smith hoped this would prove his faith in the American private business system.

Al Smith was a strong political leader and an effective governor. But he frightened many Americans, especially conservative citizens living in rural areas.

They lived on farms or in small towns. Al Smith was from the city. And not just from any city, but New York City, a place that seemed big and dirty and filled with foreign people and strange traditions. Al Smith's parents came from Ireland. He grew up in New York and worked as a salesman at the Fulton Fish Market.

Smith was an honest man. But many rural Americans simply did not trust people from big cities. Al Smith seemed to them to represent everything that was new, different, and dangerous about American life.

But being from New York City was not Al Smith's only problem. He also opposed the new national laws that made it illegal to buy or produce alcoholic drinks. And he had political ties to the New York political machine. But worst of all, in the eyes of many Americans, Al Smith was a Roman Catholic.

From George Washington through Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and up to Calvin Coolidge, every American president had been male, white, and a Protestant Christian. Of course, there was no law requiring a candidate to be Protestant. But millions of traditional Americans just were not ready to give their vote to a Roman Catholic.

Opponents of the Smith campaign generally did not speak openly about his religion. But many of them were afraid that Smith would take his orders from the Vatican in Rome, instead of working with the Congress in Washington.

Al Smith fought back. He told the country, "I am unable to understand how anything I was taught to believe as a Catholic could possibly be in conflict with what is good citizenship. My faith," he said, "is built upon the laws of God. There can be no conflict between them. "

But many Protestant Americans thought there was a conflict. And they looked to the Republican Party to supply a strong candidate to oppose Smith and the Democrats.

The Republicans did just that. They nominated former secretary of commerce Hoover, one of the country's most popular men. Hoover was well-known to Americans. People trusted him. And they liked the way he had gained great personal success from poor beginnings.

In fact, Hoover's life story would have pleased Abraham Lincoln, another American who rose from a poor family to fame.

Hoover was born in the farm state of Iowa in 1874. His father was a poor metal worker who kept moving his family from state to state.

Herbert Hoover's father died when the boy was just six years old. His mother died four years later. Young Herbert had to move to the western state of Oregon to live with his mother's brother.

Herbert's uncle was luckier in life than Herbert's parents. He had made money in the land business. And he helped the boy gain admission to Stanford University in California. At the university, Herbert showed great skill in mathematics. And he decided to go into business as a geologist studying the science of the earth.

After college, Herbert Hoover got a job as a mine worker. During the next several years, Hoover spent most of his time working as an engineer in foreign countries. And he succeeded beyond his greatest dreams. By the time he was forty years old, he had earned more than one million dollars.

After World War One, he organized the effort to provide food for starving people in Europe. He did an excellent job, winning praise from people in Europe and the United States alike. Next, Hoover joined the administration of President Warren Harding, serving as the Secretary of Commerce. Again, he did a very good job.

Hoover left the cabinet in 1925. But two years later, he organized efforts to provide relief for victims of a flood in the southern state of Mississippi. And again, Americans all around the country took note of this quiet, serious man who did such effective work in so many different kinds of situations.

Some Americans, however, did not like Hoover, including some people who usually supported Republicans.

For example, many professional Republican politicians did not trust him, because he had spent most of his life in business, not politics. Some stock market traders thought Hoover might change the rules on the New York Stock Exchange. And many farmers believed Hoover had no new ideas about how to solve their growing economic problems.

This, then, was the choice Americans faced in 1928. On the one hand, Al Smith. A Democrat. A Roman Catholic. A politician from the city. A man wanting some social change. And on the other hand, Herbert Hoover. A Republican. A businessman who had proven the dream that even a poor boy could become great in America. A man who seemed to succeed with every effort he touched.

The main issue in the campaign was not economics or religion, but the new national laws banning alcoholic drinks. Hoover was for the laws Smith against them. The two candidates also argued about how to provide aid to struggling farmers, and how to increase electricity and water supplies.

Herbert Hoover won the election of 1928. It was one of the greatest victories in presidential history. Hoover won fifty-eight percent of the votes. Smith got just forty percent. And Hoover captured four hundred forty-four electoral votes to Smith's eighty-seven.

And so it was that the engineer and businessman Herbert Hoover entered the White House in 1929. There was some trouble the day he moved in. Outgoing President Coolidge was a man who watched every dollar he owned. And he accused some White House workers of stealing his shoes on the day of the inauguration. But -- finally -- safe, conservative, business-like Herbert Hoover was leading the country.

The nation's stock market reacted by pushing stock prices to record high levels. Everyone expected that economic growth would continue and expand. But the happy times were just a dream. Within one year, the stock market collapsed. Millions of people lost their jobs. The nation fell into the worst economic crisis it had ever faced.

Herbert Hoover was not personally responsible for the crisis. In many ways, it was his own bad luck to be elected just before the disaster struck. But it was his job to guide the nation through its troubled waters. And he would prove to be the wrong person to give such leadership.

His four years in office would be one of the most difficult periods in the nation's history. We will look at President Hoover's administration in our next program.

You have been listening to THE MAKING OF A NATION, a program in Special English on the Voice of America. Your narrators have been Harry Monroe and Rich Kleinfeldt. Our program was written by David Jarmul.


Pogledajte video: PREDSJEDNIČKI IZBORI u BiH - 2022. (Decembar 2021).

Video, Sitemap-Video, Sitemap-Videos