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"Tihi" protest koji je pokrenuo pokret za građanska prava


U 13 sati u subotu, 28. jula 1917., grupa između 8.000 i 10.000 afroameričkih muškaraca, žena i djece počela je marširati ulicama središnjeg dijela Manhattana u jednom od prvih protesta za građanska prava u američkoj historiji - skoro 50 godina prije marta na Washington. Prateći samo zvuk bubnjeva dok su se kretali Petom avenijom, demonstranti su marširali u tišini, oplakujući ubijene u talasu nasilja protiv Afroamerikanaca koji je zahvatio cijelu državu.

U godini koja je prethodila maršu, dva ozloglašena napada linčom su nasla naslovnice; jedan u Wacou u Teksasu, gdje se okupilo 10.000 ljudi da gleda obješenog Crnca, a drugi u Tennesseeju koji je privukao 5.000 ljudi. Još su šokantniji bili rasni neredi koji su izbili u istočnom St. Louisu, Illinois, u proljeće i ljeto 1917. godine.

Rasne tenzije u gradu bile su u porastu godinama, dok su talasi južnih crnaca pobjegli s juga Jim Crow -a, putujući u industrijske gradove na sjeveru u potrazi za boljim životnim uslovima i mogućnostima zaposlenja u sklopu velike migracije. Vlasnici preduzeća raspirivali su rasni plamen, zapošljavajući novopridošle crne radnike po nižim platama od svojih bijelih kolega, pa ih čak i koristili kao štrajkače u njihovoj tekućoj borbi protiv sindikalnih radnika.

Prvi val napada dogodio se u maju, kada se rulja od 3.000 ljudi spustila na centar grada, prisilivši guvernera da pozove Nacionalnu gardu. Nakon nekoliko sedmica relativnog zatišja, tenzije su eksplodirale 2. jula uveče. Ranije tog dana, automobil kojim je upravljalo nekoliko bijelaca, pucao je u gomilu ljudi u crnom dijelu grada. Kad je nekoliko sati kasnije u isti odjeljak ušao drugi automobil (u kojem su bili policajci i izvjestitelj), stanovnici Crnaca otvorili su vatru, ubivši dva putnika.

Podsticani bijeli stanovnici krenuli su u napad, palili velike dijelove četvrti Black i neselektivno tukli, ubadali nožem, pucali i linčovali sve crnce koje su mogli pronaći - uključujući mlade, stare i invalide. Ranije su prekinuli pristup vodoopskrbi vodoopskrbe. Ponovo je pozvana Nacionalna garda, ali nije učinila ništa da uguši nemire (i, prema nekim izvještajima, pridružila se naporima mafije). Nakon 24 sata nasilja, ubijeno je najmanje 40 crnih Amerikanaca, iako je vjerovatno da je taj broj iznosio čak 200. Više od 6.000 stanovnika crnaca ostalo je bez krova nad glavom, s procijenjenom imovinskom štetom od 7 miliona dolara (u današnjim dolarima).

Brutalnost pobuna u istočnom St. NAACP, osnovan samo osam godina ranije od strane W.E.B. Du Bois i drugi aktivisti krenuli su u akciju. Na sastanku u Harlemu, James Weldon Johnson, koji se pridružio organizaciji 1916. godine, pozvao je na protestnu šetnju kroz srce poslovne četvrti New Yorka. Predvodile bi žene i djeca (uključujući grupu mladih, crnih izviđača), odjeveni u bijelo. Muškarci bi ih slijedili, odjeveni u tamnije, žalosnije nijanse. Kritično, uprkos velikom broju bijelaca NAACP -a, samo će Afroamerikanci učestvovati.

Letak NAACP -a koji je oglašavao marš navodi ciljeve grupe. "Marširamo jer želimo da naša djeca žive u boljoj zemlji i uživaju u poštenijim uslovima nego što su to naši uslovi", rekao je velečasni Charles Martin, sekretar NAACP -a. „Marširamo u znak sjećanja na naše iskasapljene mrtve, masakr poštenih trudbenika koji su uklanjali zamjerku lijenosti i štedljivosti bačen na cijelu rasu. Umrli su kako bi dokazali našu vrijednost da živimo. "

Učesnici su nosili plakate i plakate duž dvije milje duge rute, skrećući pažnju na nedavna ubistva i napade na linč-jedan je izjavio da je "Amerika bez suđenja linčovala 2867 crnaca u 31 godini i da nijedan ubica nije pretrpio". Protesti su imali za cilj i predsjednika Woodrow Wilsona, koji je vodio kampanju na platformi za građanska prava, ali je više puta razočarao svoje vođe reformi crnaca svojim postupcima, koji su uključivali dopuštanje ponovne segregacije nekoliko ministarstava savezne vlade, i neuspjeh da se donose zakone protiv linčevanja.

Marš nije bio ništa slično što su New York - i Amerika - vidjeli. Nije bilo incidenata nasilja, niti je bilo hapšenja. The New York Times nazvao "jednom od najtiših i najuređenijih demonstracija do sada". Uprkos mirnom protestu, napadi na Afroamerikance su se nastavili, uključujući nerede u Chicagu 1919, koji su trajali gotovo sedmicu dana, a samo dvije godine kasnije poginula su 23 crnca i 13 bijelaca (sa više od 500 povrijeđenih).

Više od jednog stoljeća nakon "Tihe parade", Amerika se nastavlja boriti sa svojim naslijeđem rasne nejednakosti.


Parada tihih protesta 1917. postavlja pozornicu za marševe za građanska prava

Jedini zvuci bili su oni prigušenih bubnjeva, trzanja nogu i nježnih jecaja nekih od oko 20.000 gledalaca. Žene i djeca nosili su potpuno bijelo. Muškarci obučeni u crno.

U subotu 28. jula 1917. u popodnevnim satima, skoro 10.000 Afroamerikanaca marširalo je Petom avenijom, u tišini, u znak protesta protiv rasnog nasilja i nadmoći bijelaca u Sjedinjenim Državama.

New York i nacija nikada prije nisu bili svjedoci tako izuzetne scene.

"Parada tihih protesta", kako je postalo poznato, bila je prva masovna afroamerička demonstracija te vrste i označila je prekretnicu u istoriji pokreta za građanska prava.

Kao što sam napisao u svojoj knjizi "Nosioci demokratije", Afroamerikanci su u doba Prvog svjetskog rata osporavali rasizam u inostranstvu i kod kuće. Izlazeći na ulice kako bi dramatizirali brutalno postupanje prema crncima, sudionici "Parade tihih protesta" optužili su Sjedinjene Države kao nepravednu naciju. Ova optužba ostaje tačna i danas.

Sto godina kasnije, dok crnci nastavljaju inzistirati na tome da su „životi crnaca važni“, „Parada tihih protesta“ živopisno podsjeća na moć hrabrog vodstva, osnovnu mobilizaciju, direktnu akciju i njihovu kolektivnu potrebu u borbi za okončanje rasne pripadnosti ugnjetavanja.

Jedno od velikih dostignuća pokreta Black Lives Matter bilo je pokazati kontinuitet rasističkog nasilja nad crncima kroz američku istoriju, kao i istoriju otpora protiv nje. No, dok se i dalje borimo sa hipervidljivošću crne smrti, možda je lako zaboraviti koliko je prije jednog stoljeća zaista bilo strašno rasno nasilje nad crncima.

Prije "Parade tihih protesta", nasilje mafije i linčovanje Afroamerikanaca postalo je još jezivije. U Waco -u, rulja od 10.000 bijelih Teksašana prisustvovala je 15. maja 1916. linčuvanju crnog farmera, Jesseja Washingtona. Godinu dana kasnije, 22. maja 1917., crni drvosječa, Ell Persons, umro je u rukama više od 5.000 bijelaca željnih osvete u Memfisu.

Čak i po ovim jezivim standardima, East St. Louis kasnije istog ljeta bio je šokantan. Tinjajuća radnička napetost između bijelih i crnih radnika eksplodirala je 2. jula 1917. uveče.

Bijela rulja je 24 sata neselektivno ubadala, pucala i linčovala svakoga sa crnom kožom. Muškarci, žene, djeca, starci, invalidi - niko nije pošteđen. Kuće su zapaljene, a stanari oboreni dok su pokušavali pobjeći. Broj poginulih vjerovatno je dostigao čak 200 ljudi.

Preživjelih 6.000 crnaca u gradu postalo je izbjeglica.

East St. Louis je bio američki pogrom. Neustrašiva afroamerička aktivistica protiv linča Ida B. Wells otputovala je 4. jula u još tinjajući grad i iz prve ruke prikupila izvještaje o posljedicama. Ona je opisala incident kao "užasnu orgiju ljudskog kasapljenja".

Pustošenje Istočnog St. Louis -a dodatno je pogoršano činjenicom da je Amerika u ratu. Dana 2. aprila predsjednik Woodrow Wilson bacio je Sjedinjene Države u kovitlac Prvog svjetskog rata. Učinio je to tako što je potvrdio jedinstveno jedinstveno mjesto Amerike na globalnoj sceni i njegov cilj učiniti svijet "sigurnim za demokratiju". U očima crnaca, East St. Louis razotkrio je licemjerje Wilsonove vizije i same Amerike.

Nacionalno udruženje za napredak obojenih osoba brzo je odgovorilo na masakr. Osnovan 1909. godine, NAACP se tek trebao uspostaviti kao zaista reprezentativna organizacija za Afroamerikance. Sa izuzetkom W.E.B. Du Bois, jedan od suosnivača NAACP-a i urednik časopisa The Crisis, nacionalno vodstvo je bilo potpuno bijelo. Podružnice su se pretežno nalazile na sjeveru, unatoč tome što je većina Afroamerikanaca živjela ispod linije Mason-Dixon.

James Weldon Johnson je promijenio stvari. Pravnik, diplomata, romanopisac, pjesnik i tekstopisac, Johnson je bio pravi afroamerički renesansni čovjek. Godine 1916, Johnson se pridružio NAACP -u kao sekretar na terenu i izvršio trenutni uticaj. Osim što je povećao južno članstvo organizacije, Johnson je prepoznao važnost širenja utjecaja postojećih ogranaka NAACP -a izvan crne elite.

Johnson je pokrenuo ideju o tihom protestnom maršu na sastanku izvršnog odbora podružnice NAACP -a u Harlemu ubrzo nakon pobune u Istočnom St. Louisu. Johnson je također insistirao da se u protest uključi cijela gradska crnačka zajednica.

Do podneva 28. jula, nekoliko hiljada Afroamerikanaca počelo se okupljati u 59. ulici. Gomila se okupila duž Pete avenije. Uznemireni policajci iz New Yorka nizali su se ulicama, sa klubovima spremnim, pripremljenim za nevolje.

Otprilike u 13 sati počela je protestna parada. Grupa crnih sveštenika i zvaničnika NAACP -a činila je prvu liniju fronta. W.E.B. Du Bois, koji se nedavno vratio s provođenja istrage NAACP -a u East St. Louisu, i James Weldon Johnson marširali su rame uz rame.

Parada je bila zapanjujući spektakl. Sprijeda su žene i djeca u potpuno bijelim haljinama simbolizirali nevinost Afroamerikanaca pred krivnjom nacije. Muškarci, koji su podigli stražnju stranu i odjeveni u tamna odijela, prenijeli su i žalosno dostojanstvo i strogu odlučnost da se zalažu za svoja građanska prava.

Nosili su znakove i transparente koji sramote Ameriku zbog njenog ophođenja prema crncima. Neki čitaju: „Ruke su ti pune krvi“, „Ne ubij“, „Majke, idu li linčeri na nebo?“ Drugi su naglašavali ratni kontekst i šupljinu američkih ideala: "Borili smo se za slobodu bijelih Amerikanaca u šest ratova, a nagrada nam je bio East St. Louis."

Tokom cele parade učesnici marša su ćutali. New York Times je opisao protest kao "jednu od najtiših i najuređenijih demonstracija ikada viđenih". Tišina je konačno prekinuta klicanjem kada se parada završila na Madison Squareu.

„Parada tihih protesta“ označila je početak nove epohe u dugoj borbi za slobodu crnaca. Pridržavajući se određene politike poštovanja, strategije koju su koristili Afroamerikanci i koja se fokusirala na suprotstavljanje rasističkim stereotipima dostojanstvenim izgledom i ponašanjem, protest je u svom kontekstu predstavljao radikalnu tvrdnju o javnoj sferi i snažnu afirmaciju crnog čovječanstva . Izjavio je da je stigao "novi crnac" i pokrenuo crnu tradiciju javnih protesta koja će se vidjeti na paradama Udruženja za poboljšanje univerzalnih crnaca, demonstracijama za građanska prava šezdesetih godina i današnjim marševima Crni životi su važni.


Sadržaj

Istočni St. Louis pobune Uredi

Prije maja 1917. počela je migracija crnaca koji su bježali od prijetnji životom i slobodom na jugu. Tenzije u istočnom St. Louisu, Illinois, rasle su između bijelih i crnih radnika. Mnogi crni radnici našli su posao u lokalnoj industriji. U proljeće 1917. godine, uglavnom bijeli radnici Kompanije aluminijske rude izglasali su štrajk radnika, a kompanija je angažirala stotine crnih radnika da ih zamijene. [3] Situacija je eksplodirala nakon što su počele kružiti glasine o bratimljenju crnih muškaraca i bijelih žena. [4] [5] Hiljade bijelaca se spustilo na istočni St. Louis i počelo napadati Afroamerikance. Uništavali su zgrade i tukli ljude. Nemiri su utihnuli, da bi nakon nekoliko sedmica ponovo porasli sa snagom. Nakon incidenta u kojem su crni stanovnici grada pucali na policajca, hiljade bijelaca je ponovo marširalo i pobunilo se u gradu. The Enciklopedija renesanse Harlema navodi da su "očevici uporedili rulju s potragom za ljudima, opisujući kako su izgrednici tražili crnce da ih tuku, osakaćuju, ubadaju, pucaju, vješaju i pale". [2]

Brutalnost napada bijelaca i odbijanje vlasti da zaštite nevine živote doprinijeli su mjerama koje su neki Afroamerikanci poduzeli u St. Louisu i naciji. [6] Marcus Garvey je u svom govoru izjavio da je pobuna "jedan od najkrvavijih bijesa protiv čovječanstva" i "masakr našeg naroda", insistirajući da "Ovo nije vrijeme za lijepe riječi, već vrijeme za podizanje glasa" protiv divljaštva naroda koji tvrdi da je distributer demokratije. " [7] [8] Nakon nereda, mnogi crnci su smatrali da postoji mala "mogućnost da Sjedinjene Države ikada dozvole crncima da uživaju puno državljanstvo, jednaka prava i dostojanstvo". [9]

Pisci i aktivisti za građanska prava, W.E.B DuBois i Martha Gruening posjetili su grad nakon nereda 2. jula kako bi razgovarali sa svjedocima i preživjelima. [10] Napisali su esej koji opisuje nerede sa "jezivim detaljima" za The Crisis, NAACP publikacija. [10] [11]

Planiranje odgovora Uredi

James Weldon Johnson, terenski sekretar Nacionalnog udruženja za napredak obojenih osoba (NAACP) [12] [13] radio je s grupom utjecajnih vođa zajednice u crkvi sv. Filipa u New Yorku kako bi odlučio kako će protestirati protiv nemiri. [14] [15] Ideju o tihom protestu prvi je put predložio Oswald Garrison Villard na NAACP konferenciji 1916. godine. [15] Crne žene u New Yorku su takođe učestvovale u ranijim nijemim paradama sa belim ženama, poput tihe parade u junu 1917. u znak podrške Crvenom krstu. [16] Villardova majka, Fanny Garrison Villard, 1913. je organizirala tihi marš za sufragate u New Yorku. [9] Međutim, za ovaj protest, organizatori su smatrali da je važno da učestvuju samo crnci jer su oni glavne žrtve nedavno nasilje. [15]

Dva istaknuta člana lokalnog sveštenstva pozvana su da služe kao rukovodioci parade. Dr. Hutchens C. Bishop, rektor najstarije gradske crkvene biskupske parohije, i velečasni dr. Charles D. Martin, osnivač Četvrte moravske crkve, služili su kao predsjednik i sekretar parade. [1] S "pravednim ogorčenjem", dr. Martin je napisao poziv na akciju pod nazivom jednostavno "Zašto marširamo". On je izložio obrazloženje protesta i distribuiran je prije [1] i tokom [17] parade.

Parada je oglašena u Njujorško doba gdje je opisan kao "nijemi, ali svečani protest protiv zločina i diskriminacije nad rasom u različitim dijelovima zemlje". [18] Na učešće su pozvani muškarci, žene i djeca. Nadalo se da će oko deset hiljada ljudi moći sudjelovati, te da će Afroamerikanci u drugim gradovima možda održati svoje parade. [18] [19] Njujorška parada najavljena je unaprijed i u drugim gradovima. [20] [21] [22]

Usred rekordnih vrućina [23] u New Yorku 28. jula, procjenjuje se da je 8.000 do 15.000 Afroamerikanaca [24] [25] marširalo u tihom protestu do linča, poput Wacoa, Memphisa i posebno East St. Louis pobune. Marš je počeo u 57. ulici, niz Petu aveniju, do svog kraja u 23. ulici. [23] Demonstranti su nosili znakove koji su isticali njihovo nezadovoljstvo. Neki znakovi i transparenti apelovali su direktno na predsjednika Woodrow Wilsona. [9] Parada je vodila konjička policijska pratnja. Slede žene i deca, obučeni u belo. Pratili su ih muškarci, obučeni u crno. [6] [2] Ljudi svih rasa gledali su s obje strane Pete avenije. Njujorško doba procijenio je da je "pogledalo petnaest hiljada crnaca, koji su trebali aktivno sudjelovati". [23] Crni izviđači dijelili su letke s opisom zašto marširaju. [17] Tokom parade, bijelci su zastali da slušaju kako crnci objašnjavaju razloge marša, a drugi bijelci su izrazili podršku i saosjećanje. [23] Neke od poruka napisanih na letcima bile su: [26]

Marširamo jer Božijom milošću i silom istine opasni, ometajući zidovi predrasuda i neljudskih nepravdi moraju pasti. Marširamo jer smatramo zločinom šutjeti pred takvim varvarskim djelima. Marširamo jer želimo da naša djeca žive bolji život i uživaju u poštenijim uslovima nego što su to bili naši slučajevi.

Parada je bila prva velika protestna parada samo za crnce u New Yorku. [27] The New York Times opisao je sljedećeg dana: [24]

Uz ritam prigušenih bubnjeva, 8.000 crnaca, muškaraca i žena, marširalo je jučer Petom avenijom u paradi "tihog protesta protiv djela diskriminacije i ugnjetavanja" koja im je nanesena u ovoj zemlji i u drugim dijelovima svijeta. Bez uzvika i klica, obznanili su svoj cilj kroz mnoge transparente koje su nosili, skrećući pažnju na "Jim Crowism", segregaciju, obespravljenost i nerede u Wacou, Memphisu i East St.

Medijsko praćenje marša pomoglo je u suprotstavljanju dehumanizaciji crnaca u Sjedinjenim Državama. [17] Parada i njezino izvještavanje pomogli su prikazati NAACP kao "dobro organiziranu i pristojnu grupu", a također su pomogli u povećanju njegove vidljivosti i među bijelcima i među crncima. [28]

Marcheri su se nadali da će utjecati na predsjednika Demokratske stranke Wilsona da ispuni svoja predizborna obećanja afroameričkim glasačima da provedu zakonodavstvo protiv linča i promovišu ciljeve crnaca. Četiri dana nakon tihe parade, crne vođe uključene u protest, uključujući i madam C.J. Walker, otišle su u Washington DC na planirani sastanak s predsjednikom. [29] Imenovanje nije zadržano, jer je grupi vođa rečeno da je Wilson imao "drugi sastanak". [29] Ostavili su svoju peticiju za Wilsona, koja ga je podsjetila na Afroamerikance koji su služili u Prvom svjetskom ratu i pozvali ga da spriječi nerede i linčeve u budućnosti. [29] Wilson to nije učinio i odbio je svoja obećanja. Savezna diskriminacija Afroamerikanaca značajno se povećala pod Wilsonovom administracijom. [30]

Organizatori i vodstvo Edit

Dok je parada bila pod zastavom harlemske podružnice NAACP -a, ko je ko iz Crkve i poslovne zajednice pomogao je u planiranju događaja. Pitanje NAACP -a The Crisis časopis koji je opisao paradu citira New York World na ovaj način: [31]

Prečasni dr. H. C. Bishop bio je predsjednik parade. Doktor Charles D. Martin bio je sekretar. Velečasni F. A. Cullen bio je potpredsjednik. Prvi zamjenik maršala bio je J. Rosamond Johnson. Drugi su bili A. B. Cosey, C. H. Payne, bivši član trupe A, Devete konjice, časni E. W. Daniels [sic], Allen Wood, James W. Johnson i John Nail, Jr. Rev. G. M. Plaskett i Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois bili su u redu oficira.

Parada je bila prvi protest ove vrste u New Yorku, a drugi primjer Afroamerikanaca koji su javno demonstrirali za građanska prava. [32] Tiha parada izazvala je empatiju kod Jevreja koji su se sjetili pogroma nad njima, a također je inspirirala medije da izraze podršku Afroamerikancima u njihovoj borbi protiv linča i ugnjetavanja. [33]

Još jedna velika tiha parada održala se u Newarku 1918. Dan prije parade, članovi NAACP-a govorili su u lokalnim crkvama o paradi i Dajerovom zakonu o zabrani linča. [34] Žene iz New Jersey Federacije šarenih ženskih klubova (NJFCWC) marširale su zajedno s muškarcima i drugim ženama sa znakovima. [34] Veliki sastanak održan je u oružarnici Newark kada je parada završena. [34] Još jedan tihi marš sponzorisan od NAACP-a dogodio se 26. avgusta 1989. godine u znak protesta protiv nedavnih odluka Vrhovnog suda. Američka služba za park procjenjuje da je učestvovalo više od 35.000 ljudi. [35] Marš je ohrabrio direktor NAACP -a, Benjamin L. Hooks. [36]

U East St. most Eads. [38] Svi su marširali u tišini, s mnogo žena u bijelom i muškaraca u crnim odijelima. Oni koji nisu mogli hodati slijedili su ih kolima. [38]

Na 100. godišnjicu Google je obilježio paradu u Google Doodle logotipu. [39] Mnogi ljudi u 2017. su na internetu izrazili da su prvi put saznali za Tihu paradu putem dnevnog Google Doodle -a. [40]

Grupa umjetnika, zajedno sa NAACP-om, planirala je reprizu tihog marša u New Yorku za večer 28. jula 2017. [41] Događaj, sa oko 100 ljudi i mnogim učesnicima u bijeloj boji, nije bio u mogućnosti marširati niz Petu aveniju jer grad ne bi odobrio pristup jer se Trump Tower nalazi tamo. [42] Komemoracija je umjesto toga održana na Šestoj aveniji, a grupa je držala portrete savremenih žrtava nasilja od strane policije i budnih lica u Sjedinjenim Državama. [42]


Od tihe parade protesta do crnih života Bitno je: 100 godina kasnije, prvi masovni afroamerički demo ostaje sramotno relevantan

Jedini zvuci bili su oni prigušenih bubnjeva, trzanja nogu i nježnih jecaja nekih od oko 20.000 gledalaca. Žene i djeca nosili su potpuno bijelo. Muškarci obučeni u crno.

U subotu 28. jula 1917. u popodnevnim satima, skoro 10.000 Afroamerikanaca marširalo je Petom avenijom, u tišini, u znak protesta protiv rasnog nasilja i nadmoći bijelaca u Sjedinjenim Državama.

New York i nacija nikada prije nisu bili svjedoci tako izuzetne scene.

"Parada tihih protesta", kako je postalo poznato, bila je prva masovna afroamerička demonstracija ove vrste i označila je prekretnicu u istoriji pokreta za građanska prava. Kao što sam napisao u svojoj knjizi "Nosioci demokratije", Afroamerikanci su u doba Prvog svjetskog rata osporavali rasizam u inostranstvu i kod kuće. Izlazeći na ulice kako bi dramatizirali brutalno postupanje prema crncima, sudionici "Parade tihih protesta" optužili su Sjedinjene Države kao nepravednu naciju.

Ova optužba ostaje tačna i danas.

Sto godina kasnije, dok crnci nastavljaju inzistirati na tome da su "životi crnaca važni", "Parada tihih protesta" živopisno podsjeća na moć hrabrog vodstva, osnovnu mobilizaciju, direktnu akciju i njihovu kolektivnu potrebu u borbi za okončanje rasne pripadnosti ugnjetavanja u sadašnjim teškim vremenima.

Rasno nasilje i pobuna na istoku St. Louis

Jedno od velikih dostignuća pokreta Black Lives Matter bilo je pokazati kontinuitet rasističkog nasilja nad crncima kroz američku istoriju, kao i istoriju otpora protiv nje. No, dok se mi i dalje borimo sa hipervidljivošću crne smrti, možda je lako zaboraviti koliko je zaista strašno rasno nasilje nad crncima bilo prije jednog stoljeća.

Prije "Parade tihih protesta", nasilje mafije i linčovanje Afroamerikanaca postalo je još jezivije. U Wacou, rulja od 10.000 bijelih Teksašana prisustvovala je 15. maja 1916. linčuvanju jednog crnačkog farmera, Jesseja Washingtona. Godinu dana kasnije, 22. maja 1917., crni drvosječa, Ell Persons, umro je u rukama više od 5.000 bijelaca željnih osvete u Memfisu. Obojica su spaljena i unakažena, a njihovi ugljenisani dijelovi tijela raspoređeni su i izloženi kao suveniri.

Čak i po ovim jezivim standardima, East St. Louis kasnije istog ljeta bio je šokantan. Tinjajuća radnička napetost između bijelih i crnih radnika eksplodirala je 2. jula 1917. uveče.

Bijela rulja je 24 sata bez razlike ubadala, pucala i linčovala svakoga sa crnom kožom. Muškarci, žene, djeca, starci, invalidi i niko nije pošteđen. Kuće su zapaljene, a stanari oboreni dok su pokušavali pobjeći. Beli pripadnici milicije stajali su skrštenih ruku dok se pokolj odvijao. Neki su aktivno učestvovali. Broj poginulih vjerovatno je dostigao čak 200 ljudi.

Preživjelih 6.000 crnaca u gradu postalo je izbjeglica.

East St. Louis je bio američki pogrom. Neustrašiva afroamerička aktivistica protiv linča Ida B. Wells otputovala je 4. jula u još uvijek tinjajući grad i iz prve ruke prikupila izvještaje o posljedicama. Ona je opisala ono što je vidjela kao "užasnu orgiju ljudskog kasapljenja".

Pustošenje Istočnog St. Louis -a dodatno je pogoršano činjenicom da je Amerika u ratu. Dana 2. aprila, predsjednik Woodrow Wilson bacio je Sjedinjene Države u kovitlac Prvog svjetskog rata. Učinio je to potvrđujući jedinstveno jedinstveno mjesto Amerike na globalnoj sceni i njegov cilj da svijet učini "sigurnim za demokratiju". U očima crnaca, East St. Louis razotkrio je licemjerje Wilsonove vizije i same Amerike.

NAACP poduzima mjere

Nacionalno udruženje za napredak obojenih osoba brzo je odgovorilo na masakr. Osnovan 1909. godine, NAACP se tek trebao uspostaviti kao zaista reprezentativna organizacija za Afroamerikance širom zemlje. Sa izuzetkom W.E.B. Du Bois, jedan od suosnivača NAACP-a i urednik časopisa The Crisis, nacionalno vodstvo je bilo potpuno bijelo. Podružnice su se pretežno nalazile na sjeveru, unatoč tome što je većina Afroamerikanaca živjela ispod linije Mason-Dixon. Kao rezultat toga, NAACP uglavnom nije uspio reagirati s osjećajem hitnosti na svakodnevne strahote koje trpe mase crnaca.

James Weldon Johnson je promijenio stvari. Pravnik, diplomata, romanopisac, pjesnik i tekstopisac, Johnson je bio pravi afroamerički renesansni čovjek. Godine 1916, Johnson se pridružio NAACP -u kao sekretar na terenu i izvršio trenutni uticaj. Uz povećanje broja članova organizacije na jugu, Johnson je prepoznao važnost proširenja utjecaja postojećih ogranaka NAACP -a izvan crne elite.

Johnson je pokrenuo ideju o tihom protestnom maršu na sastanku izvršnog odbora podružnice NAACP -a u Harlemu ubrzo nakon pobune u Istočnom St. Louisu. Johnson je također insistirao da se u protest uključi cijela crnačka zajednica grada. Planiranje je brzo krenulo, predvođeno Johnsonom i lokalnim crnim svećenicima.

Istorijski dan

Do podneva 28. jula, nekoliko hiljada Afroamerikanaca počelo se okupljati u 59. ulici. Gomila se okupila duž Pete avenije. Uznemireni policajci iz New Yorka nizali su se ulicama, svjesni šta će se dogoditi, ali, s klubovima spremnim, spremni za nevolje.

Otprilike u 13 sati počela je protestna parada. Četvorica muškaraca koji su nosili bubnjeve počeli su polako, svečano svirati. Grupa crnih sveštenika i zvaničnika NAACP -a činila je prvu liniju fronta. W.E.B. Du Bois, koji se nedavno vratio s provođenja istrage NAACP -a u East St. Louisu, i James Weldon Johnson marširali su rame uz rame.

Parada je bila zapanjujući spektakl. Na prednjoj strani žene i djeca u potpuno bijelim haljinama simbolizirali su nevinost Afroamerikanaca pred krivnjom nacije. Muškarci, koji su podigli stražnju stranu i odjeveni u tamna odijela, prenijeli su i žalosno dostojanstvo i strogu odlučnost da se zalažu za svoja građanska prava.

Nosili su znakove i transparente koji sramote Ameriku zbog njenog ophođenja prema crncima. Neki čitaju: "Ruke su ti pune krvi", "Ne ubij", "Majke, idu li linčeri na nebo?" Drugi su istakli ratni kontekst i šupljinu američkih ideala: "Borili smo se za slobodu bijelih Amerikanaca u šest ratova, naša nagrada je bila East St. Louis", "Patriotizam i lojalnost pretpostavljaju zaštitu i slobodu", "Učinimo Ameriku sigurnom za demokratiju" . "

Tokom cele parade učesnici marša su ćutali. New York Times je opisao protest kao "jednu od najtiših i najrednijih demonstracija ikada viđenih". Tišina je konačno prekinuta klicanjem kada se parada završila na Madison Squareu.

Naslijeđe Parade tihih protesta

"Parada tihih protesta" označila je početak nove epohe u dugoj borbi za slobodu crnaca. Pridržavajući se određene politike poštovanja, strategije koju su koristili Afroamerikanci i koja se fokusirala na suprotstavljanje rasističkim stereotipima dostojanstvenim izgledom i ponašanjem, protest je u svom kontekstu predstavljao radikalnu tvrdnju o javnoj sferi i snažnu afirmaciju crnog čovječanstva . Izjavio je da je stigao "novi crnac" i pokrenuo crnu tradiciju javnih protesta koja će se vidjeti na paradama Univerzalnog udruženja za poboljšanje crnaca, demonstracijama za građanska prava šezdesetih godina i današnjim marševima Crni životi.

"Parada tihih protesta" podsjeća nas da borba protiv rasističkog nasilja i ubijanja crnaca ostaje jednako aktuelna kao i prije 100 godina. Crna smrt, bilo od ruke policajca iz Baton Rougea ili bijelog nadmoćnika u Charlestonu, bauk je koji nastavlja proganjati ovu naciju. Potrošnja crnih tijela američka je tradicija, a istorija govori o dugom trajanju ovog nasilnog naslijeđa.

Ali istorija takođe nudi inspiraciju, svrhu i viziju.

Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson i drugi borci za slobodu njihove generacije trebali bi danas poslužiti kao uzor aktivistima. Da je "Parada tihih protesta" privukla crnce iz svih društvenih slojeva i profila, svjedoči o potrebi da se organizacije poput NAACP -a, nakon nedavne nacionalne konvencije, sjete i prihvate svoje porijeklo. U izgradnji i održavanju trenutnog pokreta možemo izvući pouke iz prošlih borbi i strateški i kreativno raditi na njihovoj primjeni u sadašnjosti.

Jer, u osnovi, zahtjevi crnaca u 2017. godini ostaju isti kao jedan od znakova podignutih na nebo tog julskog popodneva 1917. godine:

Chad Williams, vanredni profesor afričkih i afroameričkih studija, Univerzitet Brandeis.


Naslijeđe pokreta sjedenja

Pokret sjedenja proizveo je novi osjećaj ponosa i moći kod Afroamerikanaca. Dižući se sami od sebe i postigavši ​​značajan uspjeh protestujući protiv segregacije u društvu u kojem su živjeli, Crnci su shvatili da mogu promijeniti svoju zajednicu lokalnim koordiniranim djelovanjem. Za mnoge bijele južnjake pokret sjedenja demonstrirao je nezadovoljstvo Crnaca statusom quo i pokazao da bi ekonomska šteta mogla nanijeti bijelim preduzećima osim ako se mirno desegregiraju. Pokret za sjedenje dokazao je neizbježnost kraja sistema Jim Crow. Većina uspjeha u stvarnoj desegregaciji postignuta je u gornjim južnim državama, poput gradova u Arkansasu, Marylandu, Sjevernoj Karolini i Tennesseeju. On the other hand, no cities in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, or South Carolina desegregated as a result of the sit-in movement.

The sit-in movement marked the first major effort by thousands of local Blacks in civil rights activism. However, the sit-ins failed to create the kind of national attention necessary for any federal intervention. Although SNCC did develop out of the sit-in movement, becoming a permanent organization separate from CORE and the SCLC, the sit-ins faded out by the end of 1960. A new phase of Black protest arose in the form of Freedom Rides, and new coordinated white resistance changed the tactics of civil rights leaders, dramatically raising the level and degree of violence by white civil rights opponents.


This Photo of MLK Kneeling Has New Power Amid the NFL Protests. Here’s the Story Behind It

A photo of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and other marchers for civil rights kneeling in prayer Selma, Alabama has gone viral in the wake of President Donald Trump’s ongoing criticism of professional athletes who kneel in protest during the National Anthem.

The image, taken in 1965, shows King leading a prayer after a group of protesters were arrested during a march to the Dallas County Alabama courthouse. Around 250 people were arrested during the demonstration, which was part of a push to get African Americans in Selma registered to vote. Among those praying with King is Ralph Abernathy, a fellow minister and leader of the Civil Rights movement.

The photo been shared by both the Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change and the civil rights leader’s youngest child, Bernice King, on social media.

The sports world’s kneeling controversy began last year, when former San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick took a knee as the National Anthem was played before football games in protest of the unequal treatment that people of color face in the U.S.

“I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color,” Kaepernick told NFL Media last August.

Since then, other players across the National Football League have taken to sitting out the national anthem as well. That act of civil disobedience has drawn the ire of many, including President Donald Trump, who argue the players are disrespecting the American flag and the men and women who serve in the U.S. military.

&ldquoWouldn&rsquot you love to see one of these NFL owners, when somebody disrespects our flag, to say, &lsquoGet that son of a bitch off the field right now, out,'” Trump said at a political rally on Friday. “He&rsquos fired. He&rsquos fired!”

Those who support the protests, including the younger King, who serves as the Chief Executive Officer of the King Center, say the root issue is the fact that people of color are still fighting for equal treatment under the law.


Remembering the NAACP’s Silent Protest Parade, a 1917 March Against Racial Terror

Photograph of the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade by Underwood and Underwood (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

The silence of the marching people can be sensed even in the sepia-toned photographs, which show women and children dressed in white, followed by men in somber black suits. Banners held aloft sound slogans like “Thou Shalt Not Kill” and “Your Hands Are Full of Blood,” while at the front, a line of drummers provides the only cadence, aside from the rhythm of walking feet. The July 28, 1917, NAACP Silent Protest Parade in New York City is recognized as one of the earliest African American civil rights demonstrations, but remains obscure in popular history. To mark its 100th anniversary, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University has organized a small display of photographs from the James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection.

The four photographs by Underwood and Underwood are part of an archive of art and manuscripts formed in 1941, after the activist, diplomat, and author James Weldon Johnson was killed when his car was hit by a train. Yale commemorated the collection’s 75th year with a 2016 exhibition, and it featured in the more recent show Gather Out of Star-Dust: The Harlem Renaissance & The Beinecke Library. “The photographs of the event attest not only to its political weight, but also to its beauty, to a portentousness that seems to have been carefully scripted and managed,” Melissa Barton, organizer of these exhibitions and curator of prose and drama for the Yale Collection of American Literature, which includes the James Weldon Johnson archive, told Hyperallergic.

“Remembering the Silent Protest Parade exposes the history to the many people who have never been informed about it and encourages research into the march and similar events,” Dante Haughton, a junior at Skidmore College and a summer intern working on the display at the Beinecke Library, told Hyperallergic. “Some will be upset that they have never been taught about the parade or the East St. Louis massacre [which inspired it] and want to know about other ignored events in our past and how/why they are led to be forgotten.”

In the video below, created by another intern, Yale School of Art MFA student Shikeith Cathey, Haughton reads the 1917 “call to march”:

According to the Beinecke, Johnson, who was an NAACP field secretary, conceived of the Silent Protest Parade, which was then organized by the NAACP in collaboration with community and church leaders. It drew an estimated 10,000 people, who walked down Fifth Avenue in Manhattan from 55th and 59th Streets to Madison Square. The protest was organized following the staggering brutality of the East St. Louis race riots, which left between 50 and 200 African Americans dead and thousands of others without homes, after their neighborhoods were burned by white mobs. Yet the violence that Johnson and other marchers, including W. E. B. Du Bois and Reverend Hutchens Chew Bishop, were responding to was deeper, sustained by a government that allowed Jim Crow laws and lynchings to go unchecked.

In a petition to the White House, the marchers called on President Woodrow Wilson to take action, stating that in the “last thirty-one years 2,867 colored men and women have been lynched by mobs without trial. … We believe that this spirit of lawlessness is doing untold injury to our country and we submit that the record proves that the States are either unwilling or unable to put down lynching and mob violence.”

The organizers ended their list of “why do we march” reasons with:

We march because the growing consciousness and solidarity of race coupled with sorrow and discrimination have made us one: a union that may never be dissolved in spite of shallow-brained agitators, scheming pundits and political tricksters who secure a fleeting popularity and uncertain financial support by promoting the disunion of a people who ought to consider themselves as one.

Much more terror was to come, including the “Red Summer” of 1919, which saw race riots in Nebraska, Chicago, Washington, DC, and Tennessee. Yet the Silent Protest Parade showed the potential for public demonstration before the dawn of the Civil Rights movement. As James Weldon Johnson later reflected, “The streets of New York have witnessed many strange sights, but, I judge, never one stranger than this certainly, never one more impressive.”

Photograph of the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade by Underwood and Underwood (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

The call to the march by the organizing committee of the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

Photograph of the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade by Underwood and Underwood (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

Petition on lynching to the White House from the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

Photograph of the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade by Underwood and Underwood (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

Petition to the White House from the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade (courtesy James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of African American Arts and Letters, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library)

The display of photographs from the 1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade continues at the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library (Yale University, 121 Wall Street, New Haven, CT) through July 30.


US History Protest from Suffrage to Civil Rights Print & Digital

This unit comes in two versions: paper PDF i digital for Google Slides.

Check out the Preview for a detailed look at this compelling unit or download the FREE Unit Overview.

Greatness is exercising one’s own rights while not violating the rights of others.

America was birthed from the ultimate protest- an outright rebellion- and we couldn’t be prouder. Many of our greatest national heroes were unceasing protesters. Yet, today, we seem to grumble at those in the streets for their disruption. Why is that so?

Introduce your students to various American groups- women, ethnic minorities, young adults- who used their core values, their unwavering passion, and their clever strategies to make this nation more perfect through their first amendment rights and challenge your students to answer for themselves, How patriotic is protest?

Then, empower your students to research a company to vote with their dollars by deciding to continue spending money with them or not, culminating a powerful yet formal business letter in a Boycott / Buycott Letter Project.

This unit can be done well in anywhere from 4-6 weeks!

Included in this complete unit:

  • Teacher Unit Overview with general notes, links, standards, and a pacing guide
  • Daily Lesson Plans with step-by-step details, planning, and lesson takeaway notes
  • Detailed Answer Keys for each activity
  • PowerPoint file of images and student directions (can be easily converted to Google Slides)
  • Student Unit Review and Skills handouts with self-checking questions and "I Can. " statements
  • Student Unit Notes sheet for building deep and nuanced mastery of concepts over the course of the unit using powerful graphic organizers
  • Student Skill Handouts that include Annotating a Source, Analyzing Image Sources, Analyzing News Media Sources, Deciding a Precise Position, Creating a Thesis Statement, Including Evidence, Creating a Works Cited, Annotating a Citation, Annotating a Works Cited

Student Activities

  • Modern Day examine and assess the strategies used by several recent protests
  • Quote Speed Dating start the conversation of ideas about protest, free speech, and patriotism
  • Founding Thoughts analyze the Founding Fathers’ and the Supreme Court’s positions on free speech
  • Silent Sentinels learn the story of this persistent and largely unknown group who brought the 19th Amendment to fruition
  • Japanese American Internment flip protest and patriotism on their heads with this unusual example of resistance
  • Sit-In Movement examine at the origins of the now often-used strategy
  • Alcatraz Occupation explore this incredible and often overlooked story of tribal sovereignty

2 Summative Assessments

  • End-of-Unit Essay support your students with detailed instructions, outline template, sentence stems, step-by-step PPT slides, and rubrics, that encapsulates their complete understanding by answering the not-so-simple question, “How patriotic is protest?”
  • Boycott / “Buycott” Letter Project, guide students in researching a company they purchase from to decide if they want their dollars supporting it, then crafting a persuasive yet formal business letter declaring their boycott or "boycott" of the company

Note to Homeschoolers

Though the included teacher lesson plans are written to fully support a traditional classroom teacher, this unit is also a great fit for your teenage homeschooler:

  • the inquiry, thematic structure of this unit is driven more by critical thinking, reading, and writing skills and a central high-interest question than any one set of state-specific, grade-specific content standards
  • a wide age and ability range can easily access the rich variety of sources utilized in this unit, making it perfect for a multi-grade group
  • your student’s voice is central to each activity, through talking out their learning, maximizing the one-on-one
  • activities can be completed independently and aren’t solely reliant on group or whole-class work
  • all utilized sources are included nothing needs to be purchased to supplement
  • this unit is independent of a textbook, though one could be used for greater background knowledge
  • bilo koji activity can easily be left out to customize for your student’s skill level or personal interest

Just want part of this unit?

Silent Sentinels DBQ Mini-Unit: round out your Progressive Era unit with this in-depth inquiry

Sit-In Movement DBQ Mini-Unit: round out your Civil Rights Movement unit with this in-depth inquiry

Free Speech Protest Sign Project: strengthen any protest unit from Abolition to Vietnam War

Boycott / “Buycott” Business Letter Project: pair with any activism topic

Want more U.S. History PBL Units?

Six Degrees of Separation: kick off a study of our country’s political and physical geography with a “Flat Stanley” style project

1600-1800s American Values: explore the founders of America, from the Puritans to the Nez Perce, and their core values in order to develop one’s own goal and motivational plan of action for the school year

1900s American Immigration: explore the American story of diversity and hard work through the words and statistics of immigrants, Ellis Island to Angel Island, to create and preserve an oral history of their own

1900s American Heroes: explore what it means to be a hero from Madam CJ Walker to John Glenn in order to nominate one’s own hero for recognition

Want to go entirely PBL?

U.S. History PBL Course Bundle: get all U.S. History PBL resources in one download and save big!

This listing is for one license for regular, non-commercial classroom use by a single teacher only. In upholding copyright law, PDF resources are uneditable and resources made for Google Classroom have some editing abilities. By purchasing a license to this resource, you have access to all future updates at no cost, available under “My Purchases". Multiple and transferable licenses are available for purchase. To request a complete terms of use prior to purchase or if you have any questions about this resource, please leave a question below under Product Q&A.


The past century of race, riot and protest in the United States: A brief timeline

Hundreds of local Tucson protesters surrounding the stage where BLM speakers spoke their thoughts during the July 6 Celebration of Black Lives on the University of Arizona Mall.

Published Jul 6, 2020 10:37pm

Updated Jul 6, 2020 10:38pm

One hundred years before the Black Lives Matter movement, diverse communities across the U.S. stood up in solidarity against social injustice like police brutality. Black Americans battled police brutality through the power of protests, riots and social uprisings.

According to Tyina Steptoe, a University of Arizona Department of History associate professor who specializes in race, gender and culture at the UA, the language used to describe these events can indicate biases.

"When we say uprising, it forces us to remember that this isn't just some random outbreak of violence, that there are other issues that are provoking people in those communities to act in that way," Steptoe said. "If we just say riot, it just seems like some people mindlessly tearing things up. But if we say an uprising against police violence, it tells you more what the purpose of it was."

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Steptoe said the difference between these terms — protest, riot and social uprising — happens to be more often about who's doing the writing, who's doing the describing.

The following timeline is comprised of significant historical events that lead up to the Black Lives Matter movement in chronological order.

1917 Houston Riot - Aug. 23, 1917:

On Aug. 23, 1917, several white male police officers raided a Black woman’s home, dragged her outside and brutally beat her in the middle of the street.

A young Black soldier named Alonso Edwards attempted to intervene in the altercation and was pistol-whipped by the police officers and arrested, according to the Houston Chronicle.

What ensued next was an absolute uproar over the treatment of the Black woman and soldier.

Local Black soldiers from the 24th Infantry Regiment in Camp Logan rioted throughout Houston. The 1917 Houston riot resulted in a citywide curfew the following day. The riot left 16 dead and 22 injured, most of whom were white citizens, according to the Houston Press.

The Houston riot led to 63 soldiers receiving life sentences in prison and 13 soldiers being hanged. No white civilians were brought to trial, the white officers faced courts-martial but were released, according to the Texas State Historical Association.

“It was over 100 years ago. And I keep seeing glimmers of this — again and again — today. When you put all these examples [of social uprisings] together, the root of the issue often comes back to this very same thing over power in space,” Steptoe said.

The 1917 Houston riot was one of the first major rebellions against police brutality. The uprising brought more awareness to the public about the tense relations between police and Black communities.

Leading Up to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s:

Prior to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, Black people in the U.S. had fought as soldiers during many wars including World War II.

“Black soldiers went into World War II still segregated and fought for the nation. I think World War II was kind of a turning point. You cannot fight Nazism and the Final Solution in the Holocaust and come back and segregate and just beat people for the color of their skin," said Lora Key, a UA Department of History adjunct professor.

After the end of World War II in 1945, the fight for racial equality raged on.

In 1954, the landmark U.S. Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of Education desegregated schools and led to the beginning of other civil rights legislation. However, legislation did not come easy during the Civil Rights Movement and even Brown v. Board of Education had unforeseen setbacks for Black teachers, according to an article from the Online Journal of Rural Research and Policy.

"Roughly 82,000 black teachers were a part of the national teaching force leading up to the 1954 Brown odluku. That number would drop by the tens of thousands following the decision," said Mallory Lutz, author of the Online Journal of Rural Research and Policy article on Brown v. Board of Education.

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, a brief overview

Starting in 1961, activists began fighting segregation as the Freedom Riders in an attempt to move legislation forward in integrating the Southern bus lines.

On Aug. 28, 1963, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his iconic “I Have a Dream” speech at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in Washington D.C. Less than a month later in September 1963, four young Black girls were killed during the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama.

Participants, some carrying American flags, marching in the civil rights march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama in 1965 | Library of Congress | Peter Pettus

“In 1964, you get the killing of three civil rights activists: Goodman, Chaney and Schwerner. And that started to make a lot of people fed up. Then in 1965, during the movement for voting rights in Selma, Alabama, at least two non-violent activists were murdered in the Selma area,” Steptoe said. “So in 1965, that becomes a sort of turning point for a lot of the young activists in the movement. They started saying, wait a minute, okay, how many non-violent activists are now being murdered? And thinking enough is enough.”

Tensions between Black and white citizens were high. Black communities began to protest racial injustices by marches, sit-ins and strikes at a local and national level. The protests were successful and national legislation was passed.

In July of 1964, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was enacted, followed by the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and an expansion on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in 1968.

Martin Luther King Jr. maintained "peaceful protests" throughout the Civil Rights Movement. King’s words and legacy have inspired many activists since the movement of the 1960s to stand up for what is right.

“The time is always right to do what is right,” King said in 1964.

The 1992 L.A. Riots: April 29 - May 4, 1992

On March 3, 1991, Rodney King was engaged in a high-speed chase with the Los Angeles Police Department throughout Los Angeles. Once he pulled over, King was forced from his vehicle and was brutally beaten by a group of white LAPD officers while over a dozen officers stood by watching the event unfold.

The beating was filmed by a bystander and spread like wildfire throughout the media.

The beating left King with "skull fractures, broken bones and teeth, and permanent brain damage," according to NPR.

Over a year later, on April 29, 1992, four LAPD officers were acquitted on charges of beating King. The city erupted in riots in response to the acquittal of the officers and the lack of justice served.

In response to the riots, the local government called for a state of emergency, enforced city-wide curfews, shut down freeways and deployed more than 6,000 National Guard troops to the southern California area, according to the Los Angeles Times.

March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Joachim Prinz pictured, 1963.

The Los Angeles riots left 63 dead, more than 2,000 injured and almost 12,000 arrested, according to CNN.

“[The Black community] lost faith in the judicial system and it never really had faith in the jury or judicial system, but this was the final straw,” Key said.

The loss of faith in the judicial system within the Black community is still relevant in current social justice issues.

Trayvon Martin & the beginning of the BLM movement: Feb. 26, 2012- July 13, 2013

On Feb. 26, 2012, Florida native Trayvon Martin, 17, was shot and killed by neighborhood crime watch captain, George Zimmerman, then 28, at the gated community of Retreat at Twin Lakes in Sanford, Florida.

Originally from Miami Gardens, Martin was visiting his father Tracy Martin and fiancee in Sanford and was walking back toward his house after a convenience store run, according to History.com. Upon noticing Martin, Zimmerman called the Sanford police to report suspicious activity and subsequently ignored a police dispatcher’s advice not to engage in contact with Martin.

However, Zimmerman pursued and opened fire on Martin, claiming to have taken action out of self-defense, applying the “Stand-Your-Ground” law, according to History.com. Martin was pronounced dead at the scene. Zimmerman was not arrested at the scene and was later charged with second-degree murder. The case went to triall in June of 2013.

Zimmerman pleaded ‘not guilty’ and was acquitted of all charges on July 13, according to History.com.

As a result of Zimmerman’s acquittal, #BlackLivesMatter was formed.

According to the Black Lives Matter website, the organization was founded by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Khan-Cullors and Opal Tometi.

"Black Lives Matter Foundation, Inc is a global organization in the US, UK, and Canada whose mission is to eradicate white supremacy and build local power to intervene in violence inflicted on Black communities by the state and vigilantes," according to the website's "about" page.

"By combating and countering acts of violence, creating space for Black imagination and innovation, and centering Black joy, we are winning immediate improvements in our lives," according to the Black Lives Matter website.

Michael Brown & Ferguson Unrest:

On Aug. 9, 2014, Michael Brown, 18, was shot and killed by police officer Darren Wilson in broad daylight in Ferguson, Missouri. Brown and his friend Dorian Johnson left Ferguson Market and Liquor located on West Florissant Ave. and surveillance showed Brown stealing some cigarillos.

Officer Wilson arrived on the scene and told the two men to move to the sidewalk and made a call to the dispatcher that Brown fit the description of the convenience store thief, according to The New York Times.

Wilson fired 12 rounds in total and attested that Brown reached into the vehicle and fought for his gun. However, there are discrepancies in different sources of eyewitness testimony that cannot account for Brown’s movements as to whether or not Brown moved toward or away from Wilson and attempted to surrender, according to The New York Times.

The unrest began later that night on Aug. 9, 2014, through Nov. 24, 2014, when the grand jury in St. Louis County declined to indict Wilson, according to The Guardian.

Around 200 individuals gathered outside the Ferguson Police Department catching wind of the decision which set off civil unrest (protest/riot/uprising) that was fueled by protesters’ outrage over what they called a pattern of police brutality against young black men, according to The New York Times.

This would later be known as the Ferguson Unrest, buildings were set on fire and looting was reported in several businesses. Response from the police that included tear gas and rubber bullets and confrontations between protesters and law enforcement officers continued even after Gov. Jay Nixon deployed the National Guard to help quell the unrest, according to The New York Times.

In St. Louis, protesters swarmed Interstate 44 and blocked all traffic near the neighborhood where another man was shot by police this fall, according to The New York Times.

Thousands of protests and peaceful demonstrations took place around the country to protest the grand jury’s decision regarding the Michael Brown case, according to The New York Times.

Black Lives Matter made two commitments after what happened in Ferguson and St. Louis, “to support the team on the ground in St. Louis and to go back home and do the work there. We understood Ferguson was not an aberration, but in fact, a clear point of reference for what was happening to Black communities everywhere. When it was time for us to leave, inspired by our friends in Ferguson, organizers from 18 different cities went back home and developed Black Lives Matter chapters in their communities and towns — broadening the political will and movement building reach catalyzed by the #BlackLivesMatter project and the work on the ground in Ferguson,” according to their website.

The Black Lives Matter organization and movement did not become as widely recognized as it is now due to the Ferguson Unrest that took place. In the last six years, there have been countless Black lives lost to police brutality and these are the names of some of those individuals: Eric Garner (2014), Tamir Rice (2014), Sandra Bland (2015), Freddie Gray (2015) and Philando Castile (2016).

George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Black Lives Matter today

George Floyd, 46, was arrested and subsequently killed by the Minneapolis Police Department after a convenience store Cup Foods employee called 911 and told the police that Floyd had bought cigarettes with a counterfeit $20 bill on May 25, according to The New York Times.

Video evidence circulated around social media that Officer Derek Chauvin kneeled on Floyd's neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds, as several other officers watched without intervening, despite Floyd's cries of "I can't breathe,” shown in the video taken by Darnella Frazier, a 17-year-old Minneapolis native. The three other officers on the scene were Thomas Lane, J. Alexander Kueng and Tou Thao.

Rallies took place Saturday in small towns and suburbs, drawing hundreds of people to communities that in many cases had not yet held protests, as well as in major cities where marches with masked demonstrators toting Black Lives Matters signs have quickly become part of the daily fabric of pandemic life.

The protests spread overseas to Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia.

The Black Lives Matter movement is not just a "moment" but reflects a reality, according to Steptoe.

“So many people, for the first time, realized what Black Lives Matter actually meant. So, whereas five years ago, the term Black Lives Matter scared and confused a lot of people. I think this is a very recent change, I would say and the day that the George Floyd video circulated is the day that this changed," Steptoe said. "It shows how quickly political discourse can shift. You know, it really just took a video and nationwide protests for people to start at least saying different things."

As a response to the protests taking place all over the world, Thomas Lane, J. Alexander Kueng and Tou Thao were charged with aiding and abetting second-degree murder and aiding and abetting second-degree manslaughter. Chauvin was charged with second-degree murder and was awaiting trial, according to CNN.

Black Lives Matter has become a rallying cry in the last couple of months from coast to coast on all forms of social media from Facebook to Twitter to Instagram.

On the eve of March 13, in Louisville, Kentucky, 26-year-old, Breonna Taylor was shot at least eight times in her own apartment. Louisville law enforcement executed a search warrant and used a battering ram to crash into the apartment, according to The New York Times.

The police were investigating two men who they believed were selling drugs out of a house that was far from Taylor’s home. But a judge had also signed a warrant allowing the police to search Taylor’s residence because the police said they believed that one of the two men had used her apartment to receive packages. The judge’s order was a "No-Knock Warrant," which allowed the police to enter without warning or without identifying themselves as law enforcement, according to the Louisville Courier-Journal.

"The police have said that they returned fire after Taylor’s boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, shot an officer in the leg. He later surrendered and has been charged with the attempted murder of a police officer,” The New York Times reported.

The officers involved in the altercation have not been charged with a crime. June 5 would have been Breonna Taylor’s 27th birthday. As a result, social media exploded with #sayhername to raise awareness to her case.

“Say Her Name attempts to make the death of black women an active part of this conversation, by saying their names like Tanisha Anderson and Atatiana Jefferson, whose similar stories may not have garnered as much national attention,” said Kimberlé Crenshaw, an activist and creator of the hashtag, to ABC on Friday.

On June 9, the Louisville Metro Council voted unanimously to pass Breonna’s Law, which still needs to be approved by the mayor, but it bans any search warrant that does not require police to announce themselves and their purpose at the premises. It requires any Louisville Metro Police Department or Metro law enforcement to knock and wait a minimum of 15 seconds for a response, according to NBC News.

Local communities play and have played an important role in the fight against police brutality, according to Steptoe.

“I think so frequently, the local perspective on things, really shapes who shows up what types of activism people take," Steptoe said. "For example, in a lot of parts of the country, where you see large populations of people who are of African and Mexican descent, you're seeing a lot of allyship between those communities, you're seeing a lot of solidarity around those issues because maybe those communities have had some similar struggles over the past. And in southern Arizona, I've heard a lot of people linking Black Lives Matter and the conversation over defunding the police."

The past 100 years of U.S. history is filled with instances of social uprisings against racially motivated police brutality, and these uprisings continue on each and every day.

“Change is slow. We just gotta stay prayed up, read up and vote, vote, vote,” said Doris Snowden, president of the NAACP Tucson Branch.

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Better Day Coming: Civil Rights in America in the 20th Century

The civil rights movement was bold and brave. In the South, whites outnumbered blacks by four-to-one and monopolised state power. But by strictly adhering to non-violent tactics, blacks claimed the moral high ground and gained the tactical advantage. Modelled partly on the tactics used by Gandhi in India, but mainly inspired by Christian faith and optimism about America's democratic promise, the civil rights movement tried to make racial segregation unworkable, even if it meant ignoring judges and defying policemen. Blacks now willingly went to jail rather than submit to racial segregation.

As blacks in the South became increasingly confident about the sympathy of the outside world, their protests snowballed. In 1960, black college students staged 'sit-ins' at cafeterias that served only whites. In 1961 integrated teams of black and white travellers staged bus journeys, or 'Freedom Rides', across the South, challenging segregation laws along the way.

'. the world was sickened by the sight of white mobs and club-wielding policemen attacking non-violent, hymn-singing marchers.'

In the face of these challenges, whites often reacted by arresting the protesters, and sometimes by attacking them. The Ku Klux Klan revived: it set off bombs and killed civil rights workers. But the leaders of the civil rights movement refused to be deterred by prison: King went to jail 13 times. And by maintaining a discipline and a spirit of non-violence, the movement turned the violence of its opponents to its own advantage. Newspaper reporters and television cameras inadvertently aided the movement: the world was sickened by the sight of white mobs and club-wielding policemen attacking non-violent, hymn-singing marchers.

Civil rights protests reached a crescendo in 1963-5, with dramatic confrontations in Birmingham and Selma. After the Birmingham protest, Congress passed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, banning racial segregation. The Voting Rights Act, passed in 1965, guaranteed the right to vote - a right that had already been granted in 1868, but that had been abridged in 1900.


Pogledajte video: Prof. dr LjUBODRAG SAVIĆ: O CENAMA NEKRETNINA, UCENAMA SELjAKA, MILIONERIMA, PLjAČKI PENZIONERA (Decembar 2021).

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