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Kako se napreduje u istoriji?

Kako se napreduje u istoriji?

Kao konkretan primjer, članak u Wikipediji o povijesnosti kralja Arthura citira historičara Thomasa Charles-Edwardsa koji kaže da se "u ovoj fazi istraživanja može samo reći da je možda postojao historijski Arthur [ali ...] historičar za sada ne mogu reći ništa vrijedno o njemu. "

Pitam se zašto povjesničar "još uvijek" ne može reći ništa vrijedno o kralju Arthuru. Čini mi se da bismo morali saznati detalje o životu kralja Artura, kako bismo saznali pojedinosti o njemu. Svi tekstovi tog razdoblja već su poznati, pa ako se ne otkrije novi tekst (čini se malo vjerojatnim, posebno s obzirom na nivo pismenosti tih dana), ne bi bilo načina da saznamo više o njemu. Arheologija bi mogla otkriti nešto o opštoj istoriji tog perioda, ali ništa posebno za Artura.

Drugim riječima, Thomas Charles-Edwards je trebao reći "... ali historičar ne mogu reći nešto vrijedno o njemu. "Slično, povjesničari vjerovatno ne mogu reći ništa vrijedno o, na primjer, dinastiji Song što već nije zabilježeno u knjigama historije pjesme.

Jesam li u pravu? Ako istoričari imaju priliku reći više o kralju Arthuru / dinastiji Song itd., Kako će otkriti više o tim davnim periodima koje današnji historičari ne poznaju?


Prije svega, iako je veliki dio sačuvanih dokumenata iz tog doba historije nesumnjivo već poznat, gotovo sigurno postoje neki koji će tek biti otkriveni. Možda su neki pogrešno uneseni u neku biblioteku - bila je uobičajena praksa povezivati ​​nepovezane rukopise, a neki su možda nepravilno katalogizirani ili jednostavno neprepoznati. Vjerovatno postoji nekoliko starih kuća u Velikoj Britaniji u kojima se čuvaju neki stari dokumenti kojih se nitko više ne sjeća. I tko zna što je lutalo u inozemstvu ili što se može naći u stranim dokumentima?

Drugo, arheologija nije potpuna čak ni na dobro proučenim mjestima poput Britanskih otoka. Na primjer, drevne horde novčića pojavljuju se svakih 5-10 godina. I nije tako davno pronađen brod Sutton Hoo. I ne zaboravimo Richarda III!

Treće, vjerovatno su nove naučne tehnike koje bi mogle omogućiti da se datiraju stvari koje su ranije bile neprihvatljive, ili rutinski pratiti kamenje ili metal do njihovog izvora. Jedva smo počeli koristiti DNK sekvenciranje drevnih ostataka. Osim toga, stvari poput rasprostranjenog sekvenciranja DNK moderne populacije mogu omogućiti da se nauči mnogo o narodima i migracijama post-rimske Britanije.

Konačno, bez sumnje nismo izvukli sve što možemo iz onoga što već znamo. Neko trenutno možda piše rad koji će baciti značajno novo svjetlo na period 500-700.

Lako je učinjeno, ali zasigurno ima još toga za naučiti.


Kad povijest nije jasna, može se napredovati na isti način na koji napreduje znanost kad se eksperimentalnim radom ne može doći do zaključnih dokaza.

Istoričari formulišu teorije o ovoj temi. Zatim pokušavaju potkrijepiti svoje teorije pronalazeći potkrepljujuće dokaze. S obzirom na teoriju A, tada su morali postojati X, Y i Z. Povjesničari zatim izlaze na teren i pokušavaju pronaći arheološke dokaze za X, Y i Z. Ako se može pronaći dovoljno potvrđujućih dokaza i sastaviti uvjerljiv slučaj, oni se prezentiraju povjesničkim odborima sastavljenim od uglednih stručnjaka tog doba i oni ocjenjuju proždrljivost slučaja. Ponekad začetnici teorije nisu oni koji teoriju pretvaraju u prihvaćenu povijest. Ponekad se to radi decenijama, čak i stoljećima, kasnije uz pomoć činjenica ili nauke nedostupnih izvornom historičaru.

Kao takva, potraga za Arthurom nadilazi samo pokušaj otkrivanja novih povijesnih tekstova. Svaki put kada arheolozi otkriju ranije nepoznata utvrđenja i dokaze o naprednoj trgovini na mjestima povezanim s Arturom, znanje o mračnom razdoblju u britanskoj historiji napreduje i Arthur se baca na svjetlo. Takvi su primjeri ruševine u Tintagelu i Chesteru.

National Geographic (Avgust 2016)

Nedavno otkriće na jugozapadu Engleske naslove je povezalo s kraljem Arthurom, ali arheolozi to ocjenjuju kao nevjerojatno važno otkriće bez obzira na bilo kakvu vezu s najvećim britanskim legendarnim vladarom.

Iskopavanja na Tintagelu, stjenovitom rtu na obali Cornwalla, otkrila su dokaze o masivnim kamenim utvrđenjima i luksuznoj robi uvezenoj još iz današnje Turske, a svi datiraju u slabo razumljivo razdoblje britanske povijesti koje je počelo raspadom Rimska vladavina na otoku oko 400. godine

Prema povjesničaru iz 12. stoljeća Geoffreyju (iz Monmouth's Historia Regum Britannie- "Povijest britanskih kraljeva"), Arthur je začet u Tintagelu nakon što se njegov otac, Uther Pendragon, prerušio (uz pomoć Merlina) u lokalnog vladara i zaspao sa vladarevom ženom.

.

The Telegraph 11. jula 2010
Istoričari lociraju okrugli sto kralja Artura Historičari tvrde da su konačno pronašli mjesto okruglog stola kralja Artura - i vjeruju da je na njemu moglo sjediti 1.000 ljudi.

Istraživači koji istražuju legendu o najpoznatijem britanskom vitezu vjeruju da je njegovo uporište Camelot izgrađeno na mjestu nedavno otkrivenog rimskog amfiteatra u Chesteru. Legenda kaže da bi se njegovi vitezovi okupili prije bitke za okruglim stolom na kojem bi dobili upute od svog kralja. No, umjesto da je to komad namještaja, povjesničari vjeruju da bi to bila ogromna drvena i kamena građevina koja bi omogućila okupljanje više od 1.000 njegovih sljedbenika. Povjesničari vjeruju da bi regionalni plemići sjedili u prvom redu kružnog sastajališta, a subjekti nižeg ranga na kamenim klupama grupisani spolja. Oni tvrde da je Camelot, umjesto da je namjenski izgrađen dvorac, bio smješten u strukturi koju su već izgradili i ostavili Rimljani.

Neke od teorija sastavljenih oko Arthura zaista su fantastične. Krenite u potragu za Svetim gralom za koju legenda kaže da ju je pronašao arturijski vitez Sir Galahad, a prema jednom istoričaru amateru koji je nedavno ponovo otkriven, u jednom potkrovlju u ragbiju.

the Independent 10. avgusta 1995

Potraga jednog čovjeka za Svetim Gralom završava u potkrovlju u Ragbiju

Istoričar amater tvrdi da je pronašao svetu relikviju nakon godina istraživanja.

Izvanredno otkriće je izašlo na vidjelo nakon sedmogodišnjeg istraživanja historijskog istraživača iz Coventryja, dr. Grahama Phillipsa, koji je pratio potencijalnu "relikviju" do kuće u Ragbiju, Warwickshire, gdje ju je vlasnik držao u kutiji u potkrovlju .

Dr Phillips je otkrio značajan broj dokaza koji povezuju nalaz - malu šolju od zelenog oniksa sa mogućim rimskim datumom - sa legendom o Gralu.

U srednjovjekovnim arturijanskim romansama Sveti gral je bio čaša koju je koristio čovjek koji je sahranio Isusa - Josipa iz Arimateje - za prikupljanje Kristove krvi. Međutim, čini se da je porijeklo srednjovjekovne legende pravi historijski gral "pronađen" u 4. stoljeću nove ere od strane novokrštenih rimskih carskih vlasti koje su ga pretvorile u svetu relikviju.

Prema grčkom istoričaru iz 5. veka, Olympiodorusu, ovaj originalni Sveti gral koristila je Marija Magdalena za prikupljanje Hristove krvi, a pronašla ga je hrišćanska rimska carica, Helena, u Hristovom Grobu.

Sveta Jelena, ili majka Konstantina Velikog, koja je također pronašla prema rimskim i ranokatoličkim izvorima križ na kojem je Isus razapet. Konstantin Veliki je naredio crkvu Groba groba sagrađenu na mjestu gdje je njegova majka pronašla spomenuti krst.

Wikipedia
Konstantin je svoju majku Helenu imenovao za Augusta Imperatrix i dao joj neograničen pristup carskoj riznici kako bi locirao relikvije judeo-kršćanske tradicije. 326-28. Helena je krenula na put u Sveta mjesta u Palestini. Prema Euzebiju iz Cezareje (260/265 - 339/340), koji bilježi detalje njenog hodočašća u Palestinu i druge istočne provincije, ona je bila odgovorna za izgradnju ili uljepšavanje dviju crkava, crkve Rođenja, Betlehema i crkva Eleona na Maslinskoj gori, mjesta Hristovog rođenja i uzašašća. Lokalna legenda o osnivaču pripisuje Heleninoj naredbi izgradnju crkve u Egiptu za identifikaciju Gorućeg grma na Sinaju. Kapela u manastiru Svete Katarine-koja se često naziva i kapela Svete Jelene-datirana je u 330. godinu naše ere.


Pozitivan stav nadopunjuje proučavanje historije. Bez osporavanja odličnog odgovora Marka Olsona, mislim da je Charles-Edwards pokazivao odgovarajući optimizam u pogledu obećanja svojih kolega povjesničara. Tvrditi da se ništa više neće znati nije samo vjerojatno da je pogrešno, već je i ponižavajuće.


Ne zaboravite, proučavanje istorije može i napredovalo je.

Prije nego što smo počeli pisati, oslanjali smo se na usmenu tradiciju za prenošenje historijskog znanja. Ovo je bilo sklono degradaciji - ali telefonska igra - a osim toga, cilj nije nužno bio očuvanje objektivne istine, već obično ispričati dobru priču. Prave se figure mitologiziraju, povećavaju i kombiniraju, životinje dobivaju dodatne udove, a priče su morale imati heroje, zlikovce, pouke i tako dalje.

Herodot, "otac istorije", bio je ključna figura u promjeni toga, pa su se ljudi zainteresovali za poznavanje istorije radi nje same, počeli su preispitivati ​​te usmene mitove, razlikovati izvore prema pouzdanosti i tražiti čvrste dokaze.

Ali istorije pre prosvetiteljstva često su bile jako pristrasne. Herodot je mnogim događajima pripisivao natprirodne uzroke. Zvanične istorije u carskoj Kini često su dovele do toga da je prethodna dinastija - posebno potonji carevi - moralno korumpirana, opravdavajući svoju vladavinu pričom Mandat of Heaven. Povjesničari kao što je Voltaire iznijeli su na vidjelo ova pitanja, političku pristranost - a ponekad i otvorenu izmišljotinu dokaza - rasprostranjenu u tradicionalnim zapisima, kao i demonstriranje novih načina gledanja na historiju, osim biografija važnih ljudi i hronika različitih politika.

U novije vrijeme došlo je do eksplozije različitih historiografskih škola i različitih načina proučavanja historije. Marksistička historiografija preispituje povijest kroz marksističko sočivo i kako na povijest utječu sukobi između društvenih klasa. Feministička povijest fokusira se na učinak patrijarhalnih narativa, prisiljavajući nas da još jednom pogledamo žene koje su možda bile nepravedno osuđene - poput Cixi - ili potpuno zanemarene. Svaka nova perspektiva nudi mogućnosti za otkrivanje novih stvari skrivenih u poznatim izvorima.

Stoga je lako zaključiti da će se proučavanje historije nastaviti razvijati; bilo bi oholo pretpostaviti da smo na kraju svog razvoja. Za izmišljeni primjer gdje možemo ići, razmotrimo Asimovovu psihoistoriju, koja statistiku primjenjuje na historiju kako bi ekstrapolirala buduće događaje. Ali može se koristiti i za interpolaciju poznatih, prošlih događaja i otkrivanje anomalija koje mijenjaju naše znanje o historiji.


Napredak u istoriji može se postići samo retrospektivom. Promatranje unatrag urođeno je povezano s poviješću, pa s tim možete bolje protumačiti prošlost. Kako vrijeme prolazi, naše razumijevanje prošlosti u cjelini postaje sve veće, čak i ako naše razumijevanje jedne određene osobe/mjesta/stvari ostane konstantno. npr. bolje razumijevanje patologije moglo bi dati uvid u moguće bolje razumijevanje prošlih izbijanja bolesti grada A, što je zauzvrat moglo dovesti do logike grada B u izvođenju XYZ -a.

Što više vremena prolazi, sve je veći naš opseg prošlosti, što često dovodi do boljeg razumijevanja onoga što se događalo u velikoj shemi stvari. Obrnuto, kako se naš opseg prošlosti širi, naše metode provjere činjenica se sužavaju, naše informacije postaju ustajale i na kraju se počinjemo više oslanjati na tumačenja drugih umjesto tačne istine. Dakle, kako se široko rasprostranjena ili nejasna tumačenja koja popunjavaju praznine u povijesti postaju jasnija kroz tehnološki napredak, tako postaje i naš 'napredak' prema temeljitijem razumijevanju.


Mjesec istorije žena#8217 Mjesec historije Napredak koji smo postigli i bitke protiv kojih se još uvijek borimo

Mjesec je ženske povijesti, značajno doba godine koje ima još veći značaj 2020. godine, usred pandemije historijskih razmjera. Kao prvi Mjesec ženske istorije u novoj deceniji i godišnjica nekoliko značajnih uspjeha za žene, to je idealna prilika za razmišljanje o našoj bogatoj istoriji. Juniorska liga prepoznaje velike žrtve žena koje su došle prije nas, i važan posao koji je još preostalo za obaviti. Kao žene, znamo žrtvovanje. Prepoznajemo snagu naših djela, neophodnost napornog rada i važnost ustajanja za ono u što vjerujemo. Shvaćamo da rad jedne žene može utrti put budućim generacijama žena za trajne i značajne društvene promjene.

Tokom Mjeseca ženske historije, osvrćemo se na moćan rad žena mlađe lige Sandra Day O ’Connor, Dee Dickinson, i Toni Freeman, koji su nam pomogli da dođemo do ovoga gdje smo danas, a istovremeno gledaju u budućnost i razmatraju šta možemo učiniti da svijet učinimo boljim mjestom za žene sutra.

Žene su navikle naporno raditi i davati značajne doprinose društvu uz minimalno priznanje. Iako zaslužujemo zasluge, također razumijemo da je to daleko manje važno od talasa učinka naših napora ne trebamo ničije odobrenje za poduzimanje radnji. Nismo motivirani utjecajem ili akreditacijom, već utjecajem, promjenama i napretkom. Sa ili bez odgovarajućeg priznanja, naš će se zamah nastaviti razvijati.

Nezaustavljivi smo. Naš rad će se nastaviti dok se zalažemo za potrebe i prava žena i djece u SAD -u, Kanadi i Meksiku, istovremeno promičući sve druge aspekte ženska ljudska prava.

Sada živimo u vremenu kada su nam društvene mreže dale moć da pričamo vlastite priče, inspiriramo akciju kroz naše vodstvo i osnažujemo žene diljem svijeta da učine isto. Koristeći doseg ovih platformi, također imamo priliku podsjetiti svijet na hrabre žene koje su došle prije nas, žene koje nisu mogle ni zamisliti slobodu da svoje hrabro, nefiltrirano, nepopravljivo ja podijele sa svijetom. Nikada više nećemo čekati da neko drugi ispriča našu priču. Mi smo vlasnici priče i nećemo biti ućutkani.

Organizacije poput UnLadyLike2020 i platforme poput Instagram nam daju moć da ispričamo svoje priče na više načina nego ikad prije, a mi imamo odgovornost dijeliti naše istine kako bi buduće generacije djevojaka i žena mogle nastaviti naš napredak.

2020. obilježava se 100 godina od 19. izmjene i dopune

To je 100 godina glasanja za ono u šta vjerujemo, čuvanja glasa i poduzimanja radnji po pitanjima koja su nam najvažnija. Dok obilježavamo ovu značajnu prekretnicu, moramo istražiti njenu važnost danas, pogledavši šta moderne ženske grupe rade na proslavi.

Ženske grupe vode promjene!

2020. obilježava se 25 godina postojanja Pekinške platforme za djelovanje, međunarodnog značajnog sporazuma za okončanje rodne neravnopravnosti. Pekinšku platformu za djelovanje usvojilo je 189 vlada na Svjetskoj konferenciji UN -a o ženama 1995. godine, i još uvijek se smatra najprogresivnijim planom za međunarodno unapređenje ženskih prava. Nakon 25 godina rada, jasno je da je potrebno još mnogo toga, a Komisija za položaj žena (CSR) radi na ovjekovječenju obaveza iz ovog povijesnog sporazuma svojom kampanjom za ravnopravnost generacija. Misija ove kampanje fokusira se na ubrzanje ženskih prava i osnaživanje širom svijeta kroz svjetske akcije. Ovdje se možete uključiti.

Globalni fond za žene radi na obrazovanju svih žena o njihovim pravima, istovremeno podižući svijest o nepravdi rodne diskriminacije koja je još uvijek rasprostranjena u cijelom svijetu. Globalni fond za ženski rad zasnovan je na misiji osvajanja ženskih prava uz promjenu zakona i politika podržavajući napore ženskih grupa. Ovdje se možete uključiti.

Juniorska liga neprestano radi na osnaživanju žena da vode, boreći se za ženska prava, prava djevojčica i bolju budućnost svih ljudi. Znamo da nam odnosi koje gradimo s drugim ženskim organizacijama i aktivisticama pomažu u stvaranju povijesti. Pružajući platformu utjecajnim ženama da govore na našim godišnjim konferencijama, dajemo ženama način da podijele svoje priče i vode priču. Imali smo privilegiju ugostiti govornike poput Noor Tagouri, Muniba Mazari, Cheryl Strayed, Aimee Mullins, Carlotta Walls Lanier i mnogih drugih.

Ako se jedna jedina istina može istaknuti 2020. godine, jednostavno je da su ženska pitanja svačiji problem. Ženska prava su ljudska prava i ništa neće biti utjecajnije u našim naporima od osnaživanja žena da poduzmu mjere, ispričaju svoje priče i bore se za svoja prava.

Budući da priznajemo monumentalni značaj 2020. i Mjeseca ženske historije, Juniorska liga nastavit će ustrajno raditi na promicanju ženskog građanskog vodstva i samopouzdanja tinejdžera u SAD -u, Kanadi, Velikoj Britaniji i Meksiku. Hoćete li nam se pridružiti?


Povijest uspona, napretka i prestanka Američke revolucije vol. 1

Vol. 1 od 2 sveska. Mercy Otis Warren opisana je kao možda najstrašnija ženska intelektualka u Americi osamnaestog stoljeća. Ovo djelo (u prvom novom izdanju od 1805.) uzbudljiva je i sveobuhvatna studija o događajima američke revolucije, od krize akta o krizi iz 1765. do ratifikacije Ustava 1788-1789. Obuzet klasičnom, republikanskom tradicijom, Warren je bio snažan zagovornik američke revolucije. Takođe je bila sumnjičava prema novonastaloj trgovačkoj republici 1780-ih i bila neprijateljski nastrojena prema Ustavu iz perspektive anti-federalista, što je pozicija koja je njenoj istoriji dala neku slavu.

Povijest uspona, napretka i prestanka Američke revolucije prošarana biografskim, političkim i moralnim zapažanjima, u dva toma, Predgovor Lestera H. Cohena (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1994). Vol. 1.

Autorska prava na ovo izdanje, u štampanom i elektroničkom obliku, drže Liberty Fund, Inc.


Napredak istorije

Sadržaj: Istorija ideje napretka napisao Robert Nisbet, objavila Routledge koja je objavljena 12. jula 2017. Preuzmi Historija knjiga o ideji napretka sad! Dostupno u PDF, EPUB, Mobi formatu. Ideja napretka od prosvjetiteljstva do postmodernizma još uvijek je u nama. U intelektualnom diskursu, časopisima, popularnim časopisima, radijima i emisijama, rasprava između onih koji su "progresivi" i onih koji su "deklinisti" jednako je živahna kao i krajem sedamnaestog stoljeća. U Povijesti ideje napretka, Robert Nisbet ideju o napretku prati od njezinih korijena u grčkoj, rimskoj i srednjovjekovnoj civilizaciji do modernog doba. To je majstorski referentni okvir za razumijevanje sadašnjeg svijeta. Nisbet tvrdi da postoje dva temeljna gradivna elementa neophodna za zapadne doktrine o ljudskom napretku: ideja rasta i ideja nužnosti. On vidi kršćanstvo kao ključni element svjetovne i duhovne evolucije, jer prenosi sve sastojke moderne ideje napretka: napredak ljudske rase u vremenu, jedinstveni vremenski okvir za sve narode i epohe prošlosti i sadašnjosti, koncepcija vremena kao linearna i predviđanje budućnosti kao utopijskog kraja. U svom novom uvodu, Nisbet pokazuje zašto ideja napretka ostaje od kritične važnosti za proučavanje društvene evolucije i prirodne historije. On pruža savremenu osnovu za mnoge discipline, uključujući sociologiju, ekonomiju, filozofiju, religiju, politiku i nauku. Istorija Ideje napretka i dalje je glavni izvor za naučnike u svim ovim oblastima.


Bertha Parker Pallan Cody (1907-1978)

Arhiva Smithsonian Institution / Wikimedia Commons

Rođena na arheološkom lokalitetu u New Yorku gdje je njen otac vršio iskopavanja, Bertha Parker Pallan Cody (rođena kao Bertha Yewas Parker) smatra se jednom od prvih žena domorodačkih američkih arheologa.

Nakon što se kao mlada odrasla osoba preselila u Nevadu, Cody je pokazala veliko zanimanje za naučna istraživanja kada je pomagala svom ujaku u arheološkim iskopavanjima. Cody je godinama objavljivala brojne istraživačke članke, pa je čak i revolucionarno otkrila Pueblovo mjesto 1929. koje je nazvala "Scorpion Hill".

Cody je kasnije opisao iskopavanje u članku iz 1933. godine: "Ulomci drvenog ugljena ukazivali su na to da je prostorija spaljena i da se njen krov sastoji od velikih greda prekrivenih tulijama i štapom strijele. Taj dan sam otkrio oko polovine prostorije."

Od 1950 -ih do 1970 -ih, Cody je bio povjerenik Muzeja jugozapada. Takođe je zajedno sa svojim mužem glumcem, Iron Eyes Codyjem, vodila TV emisiju o domorodačkim američkim kulturama.


Napredak znači: Prelazak u poboljšano ili razvijenije stanje ili u napredni položaj.

Iz ove definicije možemo lako razumjeti da budući da postoji kretanje, 'Napredak' je podskup 'Promjene'. To znači da za 'Napredak' uvijek mora postojati 'Promjena'.

A 'Povijest' je (proučavanje ili zapis o) prošlih događaja koji se razmatraju zajedno, posebno događaji iz određenog razdoblja, zemlje ili teme.

A 'etika' je proučavanje onoga što je moralno ispravno i pogrešno, ili skup uvjerenja o tome šta je moralno ispravno i pogrešno.

Dakle, to možemo zaključiti & quot; Etika, niti historija niti prirodne nauke, odlučuje je li promjena napredak ili nazadovanje. & quot

Znate kako neki lideri vladajućih političkih stranaka pogrešno tumače 'historiju' i računaju napredak svoje vlade iako postoje ogromni neuspjesi. To je moguće i u slučaju prirodnih nauka. Napredak koji možemo vidjeti u nekim područjima 'prirodnih nauka' mogao bi biti nazadovanje u drugim područjima istog predmeta.

Prirodne nauke, kada se primjenjuju na prirodu, i ako zahtijevaju drugu promjenu, možemo li reći da je to napredak u prirodnim naukama? Po mom mišljenju, ako dođe do promjene zahteva još jednu promenu, gotovo sve promjene u prirodnim naukama nisu napredak.

Odluka o promjeni nikada nije težak zadatak. Ali kad je u pitanju napredak, to postaje prilično teško. Promjene u alatima otežavaju rad. Dakle, preciznije možemo reći da obično o etičkim alatima odlučuje napredak.

Kad dođe do varijacije u etičkim alatima, ponekad kažemo: "Napredak u modernom društvu je regres za pojedinca." Ovo pokazuje da alati imaju veliku važnost u odlučivanju o napretku. Takođe, napredak na makro nivou ne mora uvijek biti napredak na mikro nivou. Ponekad to može biti regres. Vjerujem da je ova izjava relevantna za neke teme poput historije. Mislim, ako ljudi imaju isto mišljenje (napredak) u oba slučaja (makro i mikro nivo), ja ne mogu poreći činjenica da napreduje. Opet, iako je jedan nivo stabilan, a na drugom nivou postoji napredak, I neće poreći činjenica da je to napredak u tom određenom području/polju. Budući da vjerujem da su drugi argumenti beskorisni za naše svakodnevne svrhe, ne želim dijeliti dlake radi analize.

'Vjera' je vjerovanje u istinitost nečega za što nisu potrebni nikakvi dokazi i ne može se dokazati bilo kojim empirijskim ili racionalnim načinom. 'Razum' je sposobnost uma pomoću koje logički možemo doći do racionalnih zaključaka.

Dakle, možemo potvrditi da to ne znači da su 'vjera' i 'dokazi' uvijek u zavadi. (Iako se ne radi o svim vjerama) To implicira da se 'vjera' i 'razum' mogu poklapati na nekom ekstremnom 'nivou'. Ali kad neko tamo stigne (shvati to), bio bi izvan napretka i promjene. Budući da nema promjena, nema ni mogućnosti za regres. Dakle, to može značiti, U konačnici, prava vjera i/ili razum odvode osobu izvan regresa.

Pojmovi koji se odnose na etiku (ispravno, pogrešno, vjerovanje itd.) Takođe su povezani sa pamćenjem. Vjerujem da 'etika' može izbrisati sva velika i mala pitanja vezana za pamćenje. Opet, za 'racionalno zaključivanje' takođe je važna dobra memorija. Zato mislim da mogu izbjeći pojam 'pamćenje' dok se bavim ovim pitanjem.

Znate da su u nekim filozofijama različiti putevi osmišljeni za ljude različitog temperamenta. Iako se ovo može činiti potpuno drugačijim, mora postojati sindikat ili Joga čak i pri ovim različitim temperamentima. I to nije nova stvar.

Možemo otkriti da ista osoba slijedi razum, čuvajući vjeru u svoje voljene. Opet, imamo snažnu vjeru u temu koju jako volimo (to može biti čak i logično) dok se držimo distancu (držeći se 'razuma') sa temama koje nam nisu toliko poznate. Mislim, vjera i razum se često vide u jednoj osobi.

Za više detalja o vjeri i razumu pogledajte:

Nezaboravna iskustva s Covidom-19 možda još uvijek utječu na "vjeru" i "razum" nekih slabih ličnosti (obje kategorije) kao da je tu negdje neka ravnoteža/sindikat.


8 trenutaka glasanja koji su promijenili tok istorije SAD -a

Pogled na neke od monumentalnih događaja koji su doveli do ravnopravnijih biračkih prava.

Pred Sjedinjenim Državama je još dug put kako bi se osiguralo univerzalno ostvarivanje glasačkih prava. Ipak, vrijedi priznati načine na koje su se aktivisti borili za proširenje i zaštitu prava glasa protiv ogromnih izgleda u posljednja dva stoljeća.

Evo pogleda na neke od monumentalnih događaja u američkoj istoriji koji su doveli do ravnopravnijih biračkih prava u cijeloj zemlji.

1. Prvi korak ka jednakom predstavljanju
Afroamerikanci su se registrirali za glasanje kao demokrati iz Južne Karoline u Charlestonu, SC, 17. jula 1948. Slika: AP Photo

Ratifikovan 1870. godine, 15. amandman učinio je neustavnim uskraćivanje prava glasa na osnovu rase. Ovo je bio jedan od prvih koraka ka postizanju rasne jednakosti u zastupljenosti.

Prije 1870. godine, crnci su se legalno, izričito smatrali manje vrijednima osnovnih prava od svojih bijelih kolega. Kad je ropstvo još bilo legalno, računalo se kao tri petine osobe, koncept koji je namjeravao iskriviti zastupljenost, glasanje i oporezivanje u cijeloj zemlji.

15. amandman doveo je do trenutnog poboljšanja u političkoj zastupljenosti crnaca, međutim, opaka reakcija je bila osnova za zakone Jim Crow -a koji su obespravljivali glasače crnaca daleko u 20. stoljeću.

2. Pobjeda sufražetkinja
Trixie Friganza, glumica i sufragistica, slikana je s drugim ženskim liderima u izbornom pravu u New Yorku. Slika: Zbirka George Grantham Bain/Kongresna biblioteka

2020. obilježava se 100 godina od 19. amandmana, koji je učinio neustavnim uskraćivanje prava glasa na osnovu spola. Ova odluka uslijedila je nakon višedecenijske kampanje dugogodišnjih sufražetkinja poput Lucy Stone, Ide B. Wells i Alice Paul u kampanji za pravo glasa žena.

Na papiru izgleda da 19. amandman svim ženama daje pravo glasa. Ali u stvarnosti, žene u boji nastavile su da se suočavaju sa diskriminacijom na biračkim mjestima. Konkretno, 19. amandmanom isključene su crne žene koje žive u državama s rasnom segregacijom prema zakonima Jim Crow -a. U međuvremenu, indijanske žene nisu smatrane američkim državljankama i mogle su glasati sve do 1924. godine - ili, u nekim državama, mnogo kasnije.

3. Prava glasa Indijanaca u Arizoni i Novom Meksiku
Četiri mlade žene Hopi snimljene su oko 1906. Hopi su indijansko pleme koje prvenstveno živi u sjeveroistočnoj Arizoni. Slika: Zbirka Edward S. Curtis/Kongresna biblioteka

Iako su američki domoroci dobili državljanstvo 1924. godine, privilegijama državljanstva, poput glasanja, upravljale su države. To je državama, uključujući Arizonu i Novi Meksiko, dopustilo da zabrane američkim domorocima da glasaju do sredine 20. stoljeća.

Godine 1948. Vrhovni sud u Arizoni konačno je američkim domorocima dodijelio pravo glasa. U svom govoru kojim je najavio odluku, sudac Levi Udall rekao je: „Ikad je bila jedna od velikih odgovornosti vrhovnih sudova da štite građanska prava američkog naroda bilo koje rase ili nacionalnosti, od zadiranja u njih.“ Isti primjer slijedio je i Novi Meksiko zahvaljujući aktivistu Miguelu Trujillu koji je pokrenuo tu stvar na sudu.

Međutim, čak i danas Indijanci koji žive u rezervatima suočavaju se s preprekama za glasanje. Mnogi moraju putovati na velike udaljenosti da bi došli do najbližeg biračkog mjesta, a drugi se suočavaju s preprekama kako bi dokazali legitimnost svoje adrese.

4. „Niko previše slab da glasa“
Račun od anketnog poreza koji je koštao 1 USD 1917. godine, danas iznosi više od 20 USD. Slika: Wikimedia Commons/Država Louisiana, župa Jefferson

Prije 24. amandmana, neke države su platile porez na glasanje na saveznim izborima. Iako je svaki glasač morao platiti, politika je često bila nevjerojatno diskriminatorna u odnosu na crnce, latinoameričke i indijanske glasače, kao i na ostale koji žive u siromaštvu. To se promijenilo 1964. godine kada je 24. amandman proglasio porez na glasanje neustavnim i glasanje više nije luksuz, već pravo za sve muškarce i žene starije od 21 godinu.

"Ne može biti niko previše siromašan da glasa", rekao je bivši predsjednik SAD Lyndon B. Johnson. “Na njegova prava više ne postoji porez. Jedini neprijatelj glasanja s kojim se danas suočavamo je ravnodušnost. Previše naših građana ležerno se odnosi prema onome za šta su drugi ljudi u drugim zemljama spremni umrijeti. ”

5. Zakon o biračkim pravima iz 1965. godine
Američki predsjednik Lyndon B. Johnson potpisuje Zakon o biračkim pravima iz 1965. na svečanosti u predsjedničkoj sobi u blizini senatskih komora u Washingtonu, 6. augusta 1965. godine. Slika: AP Photo

Uprkos značajnim odlukama koje su proširile biračko pravo manjinama i ženama, neke države nastavile su potiskivati ​​glasove crnaca Amerikanaca i drugih marginalizovanih grupa putem poreza na izbore, testova pismenosti i otvorenog nasilja.

Zakon o biračkim pravima iz 1965. bio je velika pobjeda u građanskim pravima koja je ova ograničenja na državnom nivou učinila nezakonitim. Uticaj je bio trenutan. Do 1966. godine registrovano je četvrt miliona novih crnih birača, a do 1967. godine samo četiri od 13 južnih država imalo je manje od polovine crnih Amerikanaca za glasanje.

Danas ovaj zakon štiti ljude u boji i osobe koje ne govore engleski u njihovom pravu glasa. No, ključni dio toga poništio je Vrhovni sud 2013. godine, dopuštajući državama da promijene svoje izborne zakone bez prethodnog saveznog odobrenja. Od tada je više od 25 država donijelo ograničenja glasanja, uključujući nove zakone o identifikaciji birača, ograničenja registracije i čistke birača.

6. „Staro za borbu, dovoljno za glasanje“
Slika: Element5 Digital/Unsplash

“Old enough to fight, old enough to vote” became a common slogan for the youth voting rights movement that resulted in the 26th Amendment. Activists argued that if 18-year-olds were old enough to be drafted to fight in wars, they should be allowed to vote. In 1971, legislators agreed and passed the amendment that lowered the legal voting age from 21 to 18 across the country. So for some of you younger voters, this is the reason you’re able to partake in the 2020 presidential election.

Fun fact: The 26th Amendment was the quickest to ever be ratified by Congress, passing in just 100 days.

7. “Su Voto es Su Voz”

Antonio Gonzalez, president of the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project, works in his office in Los Angeles' Boyle Heights district, July 15, 2004.
Image: Nick Ut/AP

Willie Velásquez and a group of fellow Mexican-American political activists founded the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP) in 1974, making it the first and largest non-partisan Latino voter participation organization in the US.

Under the motto “su voto es su voz” (“your vote is your voice”), the organization has helped the Latino vote grow from 2.1 million at the start of SVREP to 15.5 million today. It has also fought for the voting rights of Native Americans, the Black community, and other marginalized groups.

8. The Americans With Disabilities Act

Deborah Muldrow, who could not enter the polling place due to a physical disability, receives assistance from poll manager Adrain Roman, left, as she votes curbside for the South Carolina Democratic primary in Sumter, S.C., Feb. 27, 2016.
Image: Gerald Herbert/AP

2020 marks the 30th anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), which ensures that voting areas eliminate barriers for people with disabilities. The guidelines include requirements for parking, ramps, and elevators, as well as voter registration and polling site selection.

In the US, 61 million adults live with a disability, making them the country’s largest minority group. But despite the ADA, barriers continue to be common for people with disabilities. In the 2016 election, two-thirds of 137 polling spaces inspected that year had at least one impediment to people with disabilities.

Each of these achievements stand as watershed moments in US voting rights history. Yet barriers to voting remain for US citizens, especially for populations that face discrimination, including Black Americans, Native Americans, and people with disabilities.

The Voting Rights Advancement Act of 2017 is one of the most recent efforts to eliminate these barriers and guarantee equal voting rights for all. The bill has already passed the US House of Representatives, but has hit a pause in the Senate.

In response to Representative John Lewis’s death in July, his allies are now redirecting attention to the act as a way to honor the late civil rights activist. In the words of Lewis: “I have said this before, and I will say it again. The vote is precious. It is almost sacred. It is the most powerful non-violent tool we have in a democracy.”

Editor's note: This story was originally published on Oct. 6, 2016, and has been updated.

Global Citizen and HeadCount have teamed up to launch Just Vote, a campaign mobilizing young Americans to register to vote ahead of the 2020 election and beyond. As part of the campaign, your favorite artists and entertainers are offering exclusive experiences, performances, and memorabilia — and they can only be unlocked once eligible voters check their voter registration status. Learn more about Just Vote and how you can take action ovdje.


Exploring Wisconsin's agriculture history

After four years of researching, writing, editing and fact checking, Jerry Apps latest book, "Wisconsin Agriculture: A History," has been published by Wisconsin Historical Society Press.

Apps, who was born and raised on a central Wisconsin dairy farm near Wild Rose, is a former county Extension agent and professor emeritus for the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences at University of Wisconsin-Madison. Today, he works as a rural historian, writer, story teller and creative writing instructor. He and his wife Ruth have three children, seven grandchildren and one great-grandson. They divide their time between their home in Madison and their farm in Waushara County.

Jerry Apps grew up on a farm near Wild Rose and has written 40 books, most about agriculture.

The 81 year old has written more than 40 fiction, non-fiction and children's books with topics ranging from barns and one-room schools to cranberries, cucumbers, cheese factories and farming with horses.

Apps says this book was the most difficult book he has written and the most fun.

"We did the best we could. My frustration is I came up with a lot more information than we could fit in the 320-page book. It was difficult to decide what to include and what to leave out," he explains.

A full history of Wisconsin agriculture has not been published since 1922. So why did Apps take on the daunting task of writing about the state's diverse agriculture history?

"I have been writing about the fringes of Wisconsin agriculture history for years. I've written about cheese factories, horses, electricity and many other aspects of Wisconsin agriculture," Apps explains. "There is a lot of Wisconsin agriculture history that people just don't know.

"A lot of people are unaware that we grew hemp in Wisconsin. We started the first hemp experimental plots in 1908 at University of Wisconsin-Madison. Wisconsin was No. 2 in hemp production behind Kentucky," he says.

Hemp production really took off during World War I and again during World War II for rope production.

"It was also needed for binding small grains bundles," he says. "It was declared illegal to grow hemp in 1970."

The early farmers who came to Wisconsin were not immigrants, Apps says.

"The first farmers were from upstate New York," he explained. "They had worn out the land there and came here from 1838 to 1850. They were primarily dairy farmers who came here and they grew wheat. The women milked and fed the cows and made cheese and butter in the kitchen.

"They were followed by an influx of immigrants who migrated here starting in the early 1840s when the Germans began arriving, and enhanced by the Irish Potato famine from 1845 to 1852," he says. "By 1900, we had people from 40 different countries living in Wisconsin. No. 1 was German, No.2 was Norwegian and No. 3 was Irish."

Apps says the period in Wisconsin agriculture history that he finds the most fascinating is from 1870 through 1910.

"Our southern Wisconsin farmers discovered in 1870 that they could no longer profitability grow wheat," he explains. In 1860, Wisconsin was the No. 2 wheat producing state in the nation, but by 1870 yields were greatly diminished.

"This transition started after the Civil War," he says. "It really took off in the late 1870s. By 1910, we officially became the Dairy State producing more milk, cheese and butter than any other state."

California overtook Wisconsin in milk production in 1993, but Wisconsin is still in No. 1 in cheese production.

"It was the influence of W.D. Hoard of how to make a living on this land and the answer was dairy cows," Apps says. "Some of the state's farmers said they liked wheat farming and they moved to Kansas and Nebraska. The ones who stayed behind began dairy farming. Not only did they have trouble switching from wheat to cheese, they had a hard time selling their product. This was not an easy transition."

The second biggest transition came during the Great Depression.

"That's when a number of farmers lost their farms because they could not make their mortgage payments and there were so many years of drought and dust," he says.

The third biggest transition came from 1945 to the 1960s.

That's when tractors replaced horses, electricity made it to all farms and the number of farmers dropped dramatically," he says. "Hybrid seed corn and pesticides came around and we did not need as many farmers."

Apps says the book has been fact checked front to back by the Wisconsin Historical Society. It has a lot of detail and nearly 200 photos. Interest in the book has been tremendous so far. Apps has already been at a number of book talks and book signings around the state including at Wisconsin Farm Technology Days which was held the end of August shortly after the book published.

"Wisconsin Agriculture: A History," which costs $34.95, may be ordered by calling 888-999-1669 or by shopping online at www.wisconsinhistory.org/shop or by shopping at the Wisconsin Historical Museum Shop at 30 N. Carroll St., Madison, WI 53703. Or you can attend one of Apps book signings if you would like your book autographed. Visit his website at jerryapps.com and click on his blog to learn where his next book signings will be held.

Apps to appear in third PBS show
The first television show Jerry Apps did on PBS "Farm Story with Jerry Apps" was televised in 49 states. The second show "Farm Winters with Jerry Apps," won an Emmy and was televised in all 50 states. The third show "The Land with Jerry Apps," will air Dec. 2 on PBS at 7 p.m.

"The Land with Jerry Apps," is one hour and was filmed at his farm in Waushara County.

"It's based on my book 'Whispers and Shadows,'" Apps explains. "It's more of an environmental book which features my two grandsons and I am talking about why it's important to take care of the land."

Apps believes too many kids today play video games all day and don't get outside enough.

"They ought to help garden or go fishing," he says. "If they are outside they will want to take care of the land."

Apps says they spent 20 hours filming "The Land with Jerry Apps," to come up with "the material we needed for a one-hour show," Apps noted. "I hope you enjoy it.


Pflueger Progress early history

I'm looking for information on Pflueger Progress skeleton reels circa 1915. I'm doing a history presentation and I'm looking for reels of around 1915. Any info will be appreciated.

Skeleton reels are stamped or riveted together and are fairly easy to make. They have been made for over one hundred years, and are still being made. Pfluger has been making reels since 1881, and reels are still being produced with the Pfluger name. The Progress is very collectible and considered very well made.
http://classicflyrodforum.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=72&t=43843

Thank you for your reply. In particular I am looking to find a Pflueger reel made in or around 1915. I,ve been researching the early skeleton type reels of that era and since Pflueger seems to keep the names of reels for a very long time, I'm trying to pin down what number of what to look for in finding a circa 1915 Progress (Bulldog) reel.


What is Progress?

In that sage and veracious chronicle, “Alice Through the Looking-Glass,” it is recounted how, on a noteworthy occasion, the little heroine is seized by the Red Chess Queen, who races her off at a terrific pace. They run until both of them are out of breath then they stop, and Alice looks around her and says, “Why, we are just where we were when we started!” “Oh, yes,” says the Red Queen “you have to run twice as fast as that to get anywhere else.”

That is a parable of progress. The laws of this country have not kept up with the change of political circumstances in this country and therefore we are not even where we were when we started. We shall have to run, not until we are out of breath, but until we have caught up with our own conditions, before we shall be where we were when we started when we started this great experiment which has been the hope and the beacon of the world. And we should have to run twice as fast as any rational program I have seen in order to get anywhere else.

I am, therefore, forced to be a progressive, if for no other reason, because we have not kept up with our changes of conditions, either in the economic field or in the political field. We have not kept up as well as other nations have. We have not kept our practices adjusted to the facts of the case, and until we do, and unless we do, the facts of the case will always have the better of the argument because if you do not adjust your laws to the facts, so much the worse for the laws, not for the facts, because law trails along after the facts. Only that law is unsafe which runs ahead of the facts and beckons to it and makes it follow the will-o’-the-wisps of imaginative projects.

Business is in a situation in America which it was never in before it is in a situation to which we have not adjusted our laws. Our laws are still meant for business done by individuals they have not been satisfactorily adjusted to business done by great combinations, and we have got to adjust them. I do not say we may or may not I say we must there is no choice. If your laws do not fit your facts, the facts are not injured, the law is damaged because the law, unless I have studied it amiss, is the expression of the facts in legal relationships. Laws have never altered the facts laws have always necessarily expressed the facts adjusted interest as they have arisen and have changed toward one another.

Politics in America is in a case which sadly requires attention. The system set up by our law and our usage doesn’t work,—or at least it can’t be depended on it is made to work only by a most unreasonable expenditure of labor and pains. The government, which was designed for the people, has got into the hands of bosses and their employers, the special interests. An invisible empire has been set up above the forms of democracy.

There are serious things to do. Does any man doubt the great discontent in this country? Does any man doubt that there are grounds and justifications for discontent? Do we dare stand still? Within the past few months we have witnessed (along with other strange political phenomena, eloquently significant of popular uneasiness) on one side a doubling of the Socialist vote and on the other the posting on dead walls and hoardings all over the country of certain very attractive and diverting bills warning citizens that it was “better to be safe than sorry” and advising them to “let well enough alone.” Apparently a good many citizens doubted whether the situation they were advised to let alone was really well enough, and concluded that they would take a chance of being sorry. To me, these counsels of do-nothingism, these counsels of sitting still for fear something would happen, these counsels addressed to the hopeful, energetic people of the United States, telling them that they are not wise enough to touch their own affairs without marring them, constitute the most extraordinary argument of fatuous ignorance I ever heard. Americans are not yet cowards. True, their self-reliance has been sapped by years of submission to the doctrine that prosperity is something that benevolent magnates provide for them with the aid of the government their self-reliance has been weakened, but not so utterly destroyed that you can twit them about it. The American people are not naturally stand-patters. Progress is the word that charms their ears and stirs their hearts.

There are, of course, Americans who have not yet heard that anything is going on. The circus might come to town, have the big parade and go, without their catching a sight of the camels or a note of the calliope. There are people, even Americans, who never move themselves or know that anything else is moving.…

A cynical but witty Englishman said, in a book, not long ago, that it was a mistake to say of a conspicuously successful man, eminent in his line of business, that you could not bribe a man like that, because, he said, the point about such men is that they have been bribed—not in the ordinary meaning of that word, not in any gross, corrupt sense, but they have achieved their great success by means of the existing order of things and therefore they have been put under bonds to see that that existing order of things is not change they are bribed to maintain the status quo.

It was for that reason that I used to say, when I had to do with the administration of an educational institution, that I should like to make the young gentlemen of the rising generation as unlike their fathers as possible. Not because their fathers lacked character or intelligence or knowledge or patriotism, but because their fathers, by reason of their advancing years and their established position in society, had lost touch with the processes of life they had forgotten what it was to begin they had forgotten what it was to rise they had forgotten what it was to be dominated by the circumstances of their life on their way up from the bottom to the top, and, therefore, they were out of sympathy with the creative, formative and progressive forces of society.

Progress! Did you ever reflect that that word is almost a new one? No word comes more often or more naturally to the lips of modern man, as if the thing it stands for were almost synonymous with life itself, and yet men through many thousand years never talked or though of progress. They thought in the other direction. Their stories of heroisms and glory were tales of the past. The ancestor wore the heavier armor and carried the larger spear. “There were giants in those days.” Now all that has altered. We think of the future, not the past, as the more glorious time in comparison with which the present is nothing. Progress, development,—those are modern words. The modern idea is to leave the past and press onward to something new.…

One of the chief benefits I used to derive from being president of a university was that I had the pleasure of entertaining thoughtful men from all over the world. I cannot tell you how much has dropped into my granary by their presence. I had been casting around in my mind for something by which to draw several parts of my political thought together when it was my good fortune to entertain a very interesting Scotsman who had been devoting himself to the philosophical thought of the seventeenth century. His talk was so engaging that it was delightful to hear him speak of anything, and presently there came out of the unexpected region of his thought the thing I had been waiting for. He called my attention to the fact that in every generation all sorts of speculation and thinking tend to fall under the formula of the dominant thought of the age. For example, after the Newtonian Theory of the universe had been developed, almost all thinking tended to express itself in the analogies of the Newtonian Theory, and since the Darwinian Theory has reigned amongst us, everybody is likely to express whatever he wishes to expound in terms of development and accommodation to environment.

Now, it came to me, as this interesting man talked, that the Constitution of the United States had been made under the dominion of the Newtonian Theory. You have only to read the papers of the The Federalist to see that fact written on every page. They speak of the “checks and balances” of the Constitution, and use to express their idea the simile of the organization of the universe, and particularly of the solar system,—how by the attraction of gravitation the various parts are held in their orbits and then they proceed to represent Congress, the Judiciary, and the President as a sort of imitation of the solar system.

They were only following the English Whigs, who gave Great Britain its modern constitution. Not that those Englishmen analyzed the matter, or had any theory about it Englishmen care little for theories. It was a Frenchman, Montesquieu, who pointed out to them how faithfully they had copied Newton’s description of the mechanism of the heavens.

The makers of our Federal Constitution read Montesquieu with true scientific enthusiasm. They were scientists in their way—the best way of their age—those fathers of the nation. Jefferson wrote of “the laws of Nature”—and then by way of afterthought—”and of Nature’s God.” And they constructed a government as they would have constructed an orrery—to display the laws of nature. Politics in their thought was a variety of mechanics. The Constitution was founded on the law of gravitation. The government was to exist and move by virtue of the efficacy of “checks and balances.”

The trouble with the theory is that government is not a machine, but a living thing. It falls, not under the theory of the universe, but under the theory of organic life. It is accountable to Darwin, not to Newton. It is modified by its environment, necessitated by its tasks, shaped to its functions by the sheer pressure of life. No living thing can have its organs offset against each other, as checks, and live. On the contrary, its life is dependent upon their quick cooperation, their ready response to the commands of instinct or intelligence, their amicable community of purpose. Government is not a body of blind forces it is a body of men, with highly differentiated functions, no doubt, in our modern day, of specialization, with a common task and purpose. Their cooperation is indispensable, their warfare fatal. There can be no successful government without the intimate, instinctive coordination of the organs of life and action. This is not theory, but fact, and displays its force as fact, whatever theories may be thrown across its track. Living political constitutions must be Darwinian in structure and in practice. Society is a living organism and must obey the laws of life, not of mechanics it must develop.

All that progressives ask or desire is permission—in an era when “development” “evolution,” is the scientific word—to interpret the Constitution according to the Darwinian principle all they ask is recognition of the fact that a nation is a living thing and not a machine.

Some citizens of this country have never got beyond the Declaration of Independence, signed in Philadelphia, July 4th, 1776. Their bosoms swell against George III, but they have no consciousness of the war for freedom that is going on today.

The Declaration of Independence did not mention the questions of our day. It is of no consequence to us unless we can translate its general terms into examples of the present day and substitute them in some vital way for the examples it itself gives, so concrete, so intimately involved in the circumstances of the day in which it was conceived and written. It is an eminently practical document, meant for the use of practical men not a thesis for philosophers, but a whip for tyrants not a theory for government, but a program of action. Unless we can translate it into the questions of our own day, we are not worthy of it, we are not the sons of the sires who acted in response to its challenge.

What form does the contest between tyranny and freedom take to-day? What is the special form of tyranny we now fight? How does it endanger the rights of the people, and what do we mean to do in order to make our contest against it effectual? What are to be the items of our new declaration of independence?

By tyranny, as we now fight it, we mean control of the law, of legislation and adjudication, by organizations which do not represent the people, by means which are private and selfish. We mean, specifically, the conduct of our affairs and the shaping of our legislation in the interest of special bodies of capital and those who organize their use. We mean the alliance, for this purpose, of political machines with selfish business. We mean the exploitation of the people by legal and political means. We have seen many governments under these influences cease to be representative governments, cease to be governments representative of the people, and become governments representative of special interests, controlled by machines, which in their turn are not controlled by the people.

Sometimes, when I think of the growth of our economic system, it seems to me as if, leaving our law just about where it was before any of the modern inventions or developments took place, we had simply at haphazard extended the family residence, added an office here and a workroom there, and a new set of sleeping rooms there, built up higher on our foundations, and put out little lean-tos on the side, until we have a structure that has no character whatever. Now, the problem is to continue to live in the house and yet change it.

Well, we are architects in our time, and our architects are also engineers. We don’t have to stop using a railroad terminal because a new station is being built. We don’t have to stop any of the processes of our lives because we are rearranging the structures in which we conduct those processes. What we have to undertake is to systematize the foundations of the house, then to thread all the old parts of the structure with the steel which will be laced together in modern fashion, accommodated to all the modern knowledge of structural strength and elasticity, and then slowly change the partitions, relay the walls, let in the light through new apertures, improve the ventilation until finally, a generation or two from now, the scaffolding will be taken away, and there will be the family in a great building whose noble architecture will at last be disclosed, where men can live as a single community, cooperative as in a perfected, coordinated beehive, not afraid of any storm of nature, not afraid of any artificial storm, any imitation of thunder and lightning, knowing that the foundations go down to the bedrock of principle, and knowing that whenever they please they can change that plan again and accommodate it as they please to the altering necessities of their lives.…

Well, we have started now at all events. The procession is under way. The stand-patter doesn’t know there is a procession. He is asleep in the back part of his house. He doesn’t know that the road is resounding with the tramp of men going to the front. And when he wakes up, the country will be empty. He will be deserted, and he will wonder what has happened. Nothing has happened. The world has been going on. The world has a habit of going on. The world has a habit of leaving those behind who won’t go with it. The world has always neglected stand-patters. And, therefore, the stand-patter does not excites my indignation he excited my sympathy. He is going to be so lonely before it is all over. And we are good fellows, we are good company why doesn’t he come along? We are not going to do him any harm. We are going to show him a good time. We are going to climb the slow road until it reaches some upland where the air is fresher, where the whole talk of mere politicians is stilled, where men can look in each other’s faces and see that there is nothing to conceal, that all they have to talk about they are willing to talk about in the open and talk about with each other and whence, looking back over the road, we shall see at last that we have fulfilled our promise to mankind. We had said to all the world, “America was created to break every kind of monopoly, and to set men free, upon a footing of equality, upon a footing of opportunity, to match their brains and their energies.” And now we have proved that we meant it.


Reflections on Black History Month: There Is Still Progress to Be Made

Seventy-eight years ago, Negro History Week, the precursor to Black History Month, was created to allow for the identification and celebration of the contributions of African Americans in our history and in our presence. While Black History Month promotes African American cultural empowerment and understanding, it also inspires learning for all age groups and ethnicities.
In 1915, the Harvard-trained African American historian Dr. Carter G. Woodson founded the Association for the Study of Negro (now African American) Life and History (ASALH) to research and document African American history. Woodson felt strongly that a more pervasive and thorough understanding of African American history would accomplish two very critical goals. First, a more in-depth understanding of African American history would promote pride within the Black community. Second, a deeper understanding and appreciation for Black history would foster greater respect for the African American community within the broader society. In February of 1926, Woodson introduced the annual celebration of Negro History Week — purposely choosing the second week of February for the annual event to commemorate the birthdays of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln.
I recall my own first experience with Negro History Week as a young boy when I had to make a presentation on the great 19th-century African American abolitionist and statesman Frederick Douglass. That experience created an interest and appreciation for African American history that has remained with me since that February in the early 1960s.
Over the last few years, there has been much discussion about Black History Month outliving its usefulness. Some have criticized the selection of February to commemorate Black history by saying it is the shortest month of the calendar year. Others have claimed that America should not short-change African American contributions by limiting discussion and recognition of Black achievements to only one month during the year. And there are even some who question why African Americans need a month to celebrate their history.
Most of these arguments are spurious at best and disingenuous at worst. In the 78 years since the founding of Negro History Week, there have been many positive changes. Woodson would be honored to see that his efforts and assertions have played a role in making Black history a well-established, legitimate and respected subject of study. Yet while celebrations of Black history have elevated African American history and African American scholars to academic respectability, there is still progress to be made. The social, psychological and economic advances that Woodson presumed would flow from his efforts for Blacks are still difficult to identify at the beginning of the 21st century.
So until African American history is included in the regular history curriculum of elementary, secondary and postsecondary institutions, Woodson’s vision remains unfulfilled and the contributions Black Americans have made to further modern society with advances in medicine, technology, science, engineering, transportation and aerospace communication, just to name a few, are underrepresented.
Black history — and the celebration of it — is critical at a time when racial profiling, professional inequality and failing school systems are not yet archived in history. The commemoration of the struggles, achievements and milestones of Black men and women of the past and present day reminds us of the progress that has been made but equally as important, the distance that our nation has yet to travel.
— Barry L. Wells is senior vice president and dean of student affairs at Syracuse University.


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